Phantasmagorical Buddhism: Dreams and Imagination in the Creation of Burmese Sacred Space

Despite the growing research done on sacred spaces in Buddhist Myanmar, no attention has yet been given to the role dreams play in the selection and development of such spaces. This article will address this lacuna by exploring how dreams are regarded by 20th–21st centuries Buddhists in Myanmar, as evidenced in autobiographies, ethnographic work, and popular literature in relation to the creation and evolution of sacred places. Although there are many kinds of sacred sites in Myanmar, this article will look specifically at Buddhist stupas, commonly referred to in Burmese as, pagoda or zedi. These pagodas, found in nearly every part of Buddhist Myanmar, are also those structures most prevalent in Buddhist dream accounts and often take on phantasmagorical qualities when those same Buddhists attempt to recreate the pagodas of their dreams.


Sacred Places in Buddhist Myanmar
According to orthodox Theravada Buddhist teachings, the Buddha is considered dead and the canon of Buddhist scriptures closed. Despite this, revelations attributed to the Buddha's disciples are still ongoing, especially for those Buddhists who experience dreams of particular Buddhist entities appearing to them to impart new knowledge in the form of prophecies or directives. Such Buddhists have ongoing extraordinary experiences that I refer to as phantasmagorical: sequences of imaginary images, as seen in a dream, of Buddhist supernatural agents appearing to them to convey meditation practices, magical spells, iconography, and, instructions for creating sacred spaces. This article focuses specifically on the relationship between dreams and sacred sites. Examining Burmese Buddhists' dream and visionary experiences, the article shows how both the felt anomalous nature of such experiences and the attribution processes through which these experiences are considered special are shaped into religious ideas and places of great potency in contemporary Myanmar. The reverse is also true. The attribution processes are determined by the religious ideas and the knowledge of places of great potency.
Buddhist sacred places in Myanmar are legion, seemingly appearing wherever one looks. Small street side shrines, impressive mountaintop pagodas, ornate cave temples, and non-descript village statues are just some of the various kinds of sacred places one can find. Some, like the Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon have survived the passage of time, growing in power and glory in the hearts and minds of the thousands of Buddhists that visit every day. Other sacred sites, however, fall into disrepair when Buddhists, for whatever reason, find such places no longer efficacious or auspicious. Regardless of the sites' popularity at any given moment, each place came into being as a result of a particular event. Most sacred sites in Myanmar evolved as a result of specific myths and legends that acted as the impetus for a site to be developed  while others were given sacred status as a result of some natural or supernatural occurrence attached to the site or when religious artifacts were discovered at those spots Moore 2007, p. 24). Still others have become sacred because they are believed to be linked with treasure troves guarded over by protective spirits (Foxeus 2017;Mahāsaddhammajotikadhaja 2006, pp. 273-77). In Burmese language sources, both written and oral, a significant proportion of these sacred sites arise from dreams. Despite the growing research on sacred Buddhist spaces in Myanmar, no scholarship on the role of dreams in the development of sacred space has yet been carried out. This article, therefore, is interested in how dreams help determine how particular sites are developed and designated as sacred, as well as how the religious structures erected on such sites perform specific sacred functions. Before turning to such a discussion, however, we must first explore the role dreams play in the lives on Burmese Buddhists.

Dreams in Burmese Buddhism
In his wide-ranging book, Dreaming in the World's Religions: A Comparative History, Kelly Bulkeley asserts that "[i]n terms of function, Buddhism regards ordinary dreaming as a distracting nuisance, although most Buddhists will grudgingly acknowledge a prophetic power in certain dreams" and that " [i]n Buddhism, the question of how to interpret dreams is answered not by a waking analysis of the dream's contents but by an enlightened awareness within the dream of its illusory nature" (Bulkeley 2008, pp. 108-9). Other scholars working on dreams and religion, like the philosopher, Thorsten Botz-Bornstein, declares that "Buddhism is not interested in imagination but in reality" (Botz-Bornstein 2007, p. 72). Aside from the issue that Bulkeley and Botz-Bornstein make no effort to qualify what they mean when they use the term, "Buddhism," their notions that Buddhists themselves do not take dreams seriously, have a negative view of dreams, or only examine them in the context of meditation or spiritual progress is wrong. For this article, I will pay close attention to the prominent roles dreams play in the lives of Burmese Buddhists. Such Buddhists have ongoing phantasmagorical experiences: sequences of imaginary images, like that seen in a dream, of supernatural agents appearing to them to convey new Buddhist teachings, bestow magical spells, unlock supernatural powers, issue warnings, or foretell futures. These imaginaries are very real to the devotees experiencing them and not simply mental apparitions.
For Buddhists in Myanmar, rather than being sources of suspicion and disregard, dreams are fonts of visionary knowledge to be taken seriously and respected. They are foundations of omens and divine revelations and are part of a suprasensible world that has an ontological status, one that is as real as the one they perceive with their senses. There are scores of popular Burmese language books on dreams that can be found in any book store in Myanmar, as well as a growing number of Facebook groups and websites devoted to dream sharing and interpretation within Burmese contexts. Visiting online Burmese bookshops, for instance, one finds over one-hundred books related to dreams. Having read a bulk of such literature, I learned that the context of these sources supports the notion that "dreams count for as much as wakeful perception . . . While experience [in both dreams and wakeful perception] are both subject to the same categorizations; both, for example, can have the character of 'present reality'" (Littlejohn (1960, p. 71) quoted in Shaw (1992, p. 36)). Monks, hermits, and other kinds of Buddhist saints appear in dreams to grant supernatural powers, offer life-altering information, and provide cures for various diseases. The dreamer uncovering lost items, hearing voices on how to make someone fall in love with the dreamer or being given winning lottery numbers are also prevalent themes in written and oral accounts. For the most part, dreams are considered self-explanatory and thus not needing the aid of further interpretation. However, for those dreams that beg to be interpreted due to their lack of clarity, professional and amateur dream interpreters that set up shop on the premises of popular Buddhist sites, dream manuals, or Facebook groups on Buddhist dream discussions are readily available.
Burmese Buddhists understand their worlds to be governed by two distinct, and at times overlapping, bases of knowledge. The first set, referred to as "this-worldly" (lokiya) knowledge/arts consists of five branches: (1) dreams, omens, and predictions; (2) sacred diagrams, amulets, and verses; Religions 2018, 9, 414 3 of 14 (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅ Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves. Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.

, Gambhira maggajaṅ
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves. Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.

, Roṅ
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves. Knowledge ga from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other en the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge ga from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burm language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as t pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elem considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrou One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind du sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have way communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available du their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of stra importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns abou future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understoo directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see be such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful th occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of pop magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and mainta prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sou of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were cle defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dre involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretatio unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious s However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important source revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dre serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symboli interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experi supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the age to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist e is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dre offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confid in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appea 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarett chewing tobacco leaves. Know from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At th the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized know from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are m language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook gro detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedi interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in pu the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 T which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the  (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as aut of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources ex involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream inte unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and pr a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around r However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain importa revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhis supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely pa although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase th a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy o to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a B is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most f influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other de offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providi in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds o are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another.  Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ m Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smokin chewing tobacco leaves.
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Know from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At th the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized know from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are m language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook gro detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedi interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in pu the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 T which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people h communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily av their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' conce future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream s believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we w such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and ins occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the page magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritic one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one find example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic c interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as aut of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources ex involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream inte unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and pr a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around r However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain importa revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhis supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely pa although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase th a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy o to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a B is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most f influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other de offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providi in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds o are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They a 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; H Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ m Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smokin chewing tobacco leaves. Knowledge gained be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of ly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained al study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer ch of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those ly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the e popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from istently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with rded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements rmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. ry means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that it them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as itation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity ey frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and eveloped with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams nnections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that ever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;14). khatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ay include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or Knowledge gained ches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of er-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese mprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer s for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those er-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the ams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from sent consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements nt by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds.  (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources ms, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly rature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams s, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in ls, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and nal dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. m, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of l lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing nships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). e primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that t will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as ch a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity ream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and nd that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams otees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence wers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that o whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; oderey 2014). clude Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ajaṅʻ". ercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or aves.

EER REVIEW
3 of 15 and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained ches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of er-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese mprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer s for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those er-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the ams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from sent consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements nt by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. se sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during indows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during . These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic ns. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the alth" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, n of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that ligious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and ams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a hroughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources ms, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly rature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams s, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in ls, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and nal dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. m, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of l lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing nships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). e primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that t will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as ch a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity ream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and nd that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams otees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence wers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that o whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; oderey 2014). clude Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ajaṅʻ". ercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or aves.
. 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.
Religions 2018, 9, 414 4 of 14 to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in devotional literature about how initial contacts with these agents impacted the ways they saw the world around them and the spirit entities that inhabited it.
Reading through hundreds of Burmese dream books, popular magazine articles and online dream sources over recent years, coupled with data collected from ethnographic work undertaken in the cities of Mandalay and Yangon and their surrounding towns and villages with interlocutors that included monastics and lay people, I have identified dreams as fitting into one of two broad, and at times, overlapping, categories: portentous dreams and didactic dreams. 4 Dreams in the first category are ominous and prophetic, alerting the dreamer to something that will, or may, occur in his/her life. The second category deals with dreams that are revelatory and instructive, offering new teachings, insights, or practices related to both lokiya and lokuttara phenomena. In both cases, they are windows into the suprasensible world where the dreamer can witness unseen forces at work in his/her life and in those around him/her. Buddhist holy men dressed in the red robes of a monk, brown robes and beard of a hermit, or white robes and turban of a bodaw (a class of Burmese renunciants associated with lokiya practices and beliefs) appear in dreams acting as catalysts for the dreamer to engage in a life-changing act upon waking. devotional literature about how initial contacts with these agents impacted the ways they saw the world around them and the spirit entities that inhabited it. Reading through hundreds of Burmese dream books, popular magazine articles and online dream sources over recent years, coupled with data collected from ethnographic work undertaken in the cities of Mandalay and Yangon and their surrounding towns and villages with interlocutors that included monastics and lay people, I have identified dreams as fitting into one of two broad, and at times, overlapping, categories: portentous dreams and didactic dreams. 4 Dreams in the first category are ominous and prophetic, alerting the dreamer to something that will, or may, occur in his/her life. The second category deals with dreams that are revelatory and instructive, offering new teachings, insights, or practices related to both lokiya and lokuttara phenomena. In both cases, they are windows into the suprasensible world where the dreamer can witness unseen forces at work in his/her life and in those around him/her. Buddhist holy men dressed in the red robes of a monk, brown robes and beard of a hermit, or white robes and turban of a bodaw (a class of Burmese renunciants associated with lokiya practices and beliefs) appear in dreams acting as catalysts for the dreamer to engage in a life-changing act upon waking. Not unlike the Spirit of Christmas Yet-to-Come who shows Ebenezer Scrooge what may befall him if he does not change his ways, these Buddhist spirits appear bearing important, life-altering messages (see Figures 1 and 2). The conclusions from this research may not apply to all regions of Myanmar, therefore. Let us look first at the portentous type of dream, and in particular, how it often leads to the establishment of sacred sites. There is the account from one woman who, in a popular Buddhist magazine, recalls how she used to work as fishmonger, and that one night she had a dream where a man "bearded with long sideburns, like an Indian-as well as an old hermit-appeared and carried me off to hell. When I saw all the beings suffering in hell, I became very scared and asked [the two men] to bring me back home. They told me that if I continued to sell fish for a living that I would end up in hell after I died. Suddenly, a light atop a hill was calling out to me. When I followed it and arrived at the top of the hill, the pagodas and rest houses made me feel so peaceful." The dream had such a profound impact on her that very soon after, she left her job as a fishmonger and became a hermit dedicating her life to perfecting the "this-worldly" arts for the benefit of others and the Buddhist religion (NYK no. 116, 1996, pp. 34-37). This site has since become a major pilgrimage spot thanks, in large part to this woman's dream shared through popular media of magazines and Facebook posts.
Another sacred site in Myanmar that owes its development to this type of portentous dream is the fantastical Mei Lamu Pagoda in Yangon. Sometime in the late 1950s, Saw Nyunt Yi, wife of a local agricultural minister, dreamt of a dilapidated pagoda located somewhere on the outskirts of Yangon. One day while taking a train to the northern parts of Yangon, she was astonished to stumble upon the exact pagoda she has seen in her dream. Soon thereafter, in 1960, she applied for, and was given, a permit from the Department of Religious Affairs to renovate the pagoda (Mahāsaddhammajotikadhaja 2006, pp. 10-15). The pagoda complex has since become quite the attraction, drawing large numbers of locals and foreigners alike who come to see its "Disneylandesque" dioramas, shop at any number of pop-up kiosks selling souvenirs, or walk through a giant crocodile statue that houses a museum in its belly and pagoda on its back (Stadtner 2015, p. 50;Patton 2017, p. 2).
Turning now to the category of dreams that are revelatory, we see some of the same themes appear here as in dreams of portentousness, especially with regards to the types of supernatural Let us look first at the portentous type of dream, and in particular, how it often leads to the establishment of sacred sites. There is the account from one woman who, in a popular Buddhist magazine, recalls how she used to work as fishmonger, and that one night she had a dream where a man "bearded with long sideburns, like an Indian-as well as an old hermit-appeared and carried me off to hell. When I saw all the beings suffering in hell, I became very scared and asked [the two men] to bring me back home. They told me that if I continued to sell fish for a living that I would end up in hell after I died. Suddenly, a light atop a hill was calling out to me. When I followed it and arrived at the top of the hill, the pagodas and rest houses made me feel so peaceful." The dream had such a profound impact on her that very soon after, she left her job as a fishmonger and became a hermit dedicating her life to perfecting the "this-worldly" arts for the benefit of others and the Buddhist religion (NYK no. 116, 1996, pp. 34-37). This site has since become a major pilgrimage spot thanks, in large part to this woman's dream shared through popular media of magazines and Facebook posts.
Another sacred site in Myanmar that owes its development to this type of portentous dream is the fantastical Mei Lamu Pagoda in Yangon. Sometime in the late 1950s, Saw Nyunt Yi, wife of a local agricultural minister, dreamt of a dilapidated pagoda located somewhere on the outskirts of Yangon. One day while taking a train to the northern parts of Yangon, she was astonished to stumble upon the exact pagoda she has seen in her dream. Soon thereafter, in 1960, she applied for, and was given, a permit from the Department of Religious Affairs to renovate the pagoda (Mahāsaddhammajotikadhaja 2006, pp. 10-15). The pagoda complex has since become quite the attraction, drawing large numbers of locals and foreigners alike who come to see its "Disneyland-esque" dioramas, shop at any number of pop-up kiosks selling souvenirs, or walk through a giant crocodile statue that houses a museum in its belly and pagoda on its back (Stadtner 2015, p. 50;Patton 2017, p. 2).
Turning now to the category of dreams that are revelatory, we see some of the same themes appear here as in dreams of portentousness, especially with regards to the types of supernatural agents that appear and ways of interacting with the dreamer, the supernatural powers often gained as byproducts of such dreams, and a pre-occupation with lokiya aspects of one's life. What separates these dreams from the previous category, however, is their focus on offering the dreamer new ways of engaging or creating sacred spaces. For instance, of the hundreds of dream reports I have read and recorded, practices related to counting prayer beads at specific "places of power" (dhat pannek) features most prominently. Buddhists dream of monks, white-clad religious mendicants (bodaw) or wizard-saints (weizzā) appearing to them providing new methods for using counting beads, for instance. These counting beads, similar to Roman Catholic Rosary beads, consist of beads used to count component Buddhist verses. Unlike the Roman Catholic tradition that prescribes a basic structure and some variations and accepted additions, there are practically limitless possibilities when using Burmese Buddhist counting beads. Using counting beads for prolonged periods of time, with particular Buddhist verses in specific combinations and permutations, and that are composed of certain metal or wooden materials, are thought to bring to the user a variety of benefits ranging from increased concentration in meditation to obtaining benefits in both mundane and supramundane affairs. Verses and their corresponding variations, coupled with the beads' composite physical qualities and makeup, that are provided by religious agents and learned in a dream state are believed by Buddhists to be of special potency. It is not necessarily that they are more powerful than those derived from non-dream states, but rather, due to their originating from entities that are believed to access a font of knowledge that stretches beyond the human realm and into other suprahuman dimensions, offer Buddhists alternative means for getting what they want. One female hermit, known for her dedication to engaging in practices at a particular sacred site related to counting beads and who is believed to have supramundane powers, was interviewed in a magazine.
Interviewer: "Please tell us how you came about to be clairvoyant." Hermit: "I've been blind since I was three years old. Around fifteen years of age, my grandfather appeared to me in a dream. He said that he was counting prayer beads at a pagoda in a certain city. He ordered me to do the same counting-bead method at a specific pagoda, which I did for forty-five days." I: "What was so special about this counting-bead method?" H: "Well, one day while saying my beads, I heard a loud voice at around seven o'clock in the morning. I asked out loud who whose voice this was. [A man's voice] replied. "I am seventy years old. I have come to offer you some wisdom." I: "What did he bestow upon you?" H: "He taught me how to save people. I have been clairvoyant for thirty years now. I meet with whoever comes to me. With regards to my clairvoyance, whatever I hear in my ear comes true and likewise with what I see." I: "Please give us an example." H: "In my home, when something happens that I fear may cause a fire, I can 'see' a burst of flames. Sometimes, too, I hear a voice say, 'What will happen?'" I: "Have you ever seen anyone who supposedly comes and tells you things?" H: "Yes, Sometimes I see a white robed person (bodaw) holding counting beads standing in front of a pagoda." (NYK no. 135, 1997, pp. 199-200) Specific details of these counting-bead methods (much too detailed and lengthy to address here) and the sacred places in which they are to be done are provided in the hundreds of similar kinds of interviews and dream accounts. However, the material properties of these counting beads can often be considered just as, if not more, important than the techniques for using them. One elderly man recounts that when he was about forty years old, he dreamt of a bodaw unveiling to him a tree with powerful medicinal properties (NYK no. 171, 2000, pp. 30-31). The bodaw called over a jungle spirit (nat) and after receiving the tree from the spirit, cut off a piece and gave it to the dreamer. This piece Religions 2018, 9, 414 7 of 14 suddenly became two trees, and the dreamer knew that it was a sign that this special tree should be distributed to others. Upon waking and reflecting on the dream, the man realized that the tree in his dream was identical to a tree in Myanmar used during certain religious festivals and is known for its medicinal properties. 5 He took this dream to be a sign that he should create a set of counting beads made from the wood of this tree. Doing so, he found that using these beads had a profound effect on his meditation practice, allowing him to attain concentration much quicker than with beads made from other materials. He also experiences Buddha statues from popular religious sites around Myanmar appearing to him in his mind whenever he used these beads, and occasionally can see the fates of certain people play out before him.

Imagination Bringing Phantasmagoria to Life
What accounts for some dreams to be remembered, shared, and incorporated into normative religious expressions? What criteria do dreamers in Myanmar choose to examine some experiences and not others? How do they decide which dreams are worth examining? Drawing upon Ann Taves' theoretical work on anomalous experiences, I note that those dream experiences that Buddhists themselves consider anomalous and are worth taking note of. The Burmese words that Buddhists use to describe the emotionally charged experiences that arise from their dreams experiences with supernatural agents can be translated into English as "unusual" (htu kya), "strange" (san kyay), and "amazing" (an aw) and that these dreams often lead to gaining supernatural powers. Likewise, Ann Taves' recent work on religious studies theory reframes religious experiences as those that people deem "anomalous," "strange," or "special" and which are often associated with "non-ordinary powers." Some dream experiences and the resulting sensations, feelings, and emotions that arise from such dreams are more important than others and are what Buddhists share with one another in person, on internet websites, and through the pages of monthly magazines. The importance lies in their anomalies, or "things that people consider special because they are strange or unusual or in some way violate people's ordinary expectations" (Taves 2012, p. 72). Applying Taves' theory to dreams, this research explores both the felt anomalous nature of such experiences and on the attribution processes through which these experiences are considered special. In some cases, they are shaped into religious ideas and stable teachings and institutions in contemporary Myanmar. In addition to the emotionally charged, and oftentimes surreal abnormality, a dream's counterintuitivity also plays a role in the degree to which a dream is recalled and dispersed. Anthropologist Andreas Nordin posits that such dreams are relegated high status because they involve processing that is contrary to intuition or common-sensical expectations. This also suggests that "... counterintuition, besides bringing strong and vivid emotions, improves memorability, salience and the inferential potential of religious dreams, rendering these representations successful in cultural transmission and selection" (Nordin 2011, p. 236).
True, not all dreams that are shared are counterintuitive, and there are many counterintuitive dreams that are not considered special enough to share. Rather, it is the inclusion of a supernatural agent that lends such dreams to be recalled and narrated in the Burmese Buddhist cultural environment. These agents take the form of religious mendicants wielding supernormal powers that, although exceedingly rare, are considered by Burmese Buddhists to be byproducts of having advanced along the Buddhist path to enlightenment. Therefore, the agents' counterintuitivity "conform[s] to some intuitive ontologies while breaching others" (Nordin 2011, p. 228). As such, this genre of dreams, by virtue of their salience, are circulated through networks of family and friends as well as through a wide range of popular media. They are set and perpetuated as a Burmese culture's "cultural repertoire," informing the way a dreamer interprets, recounts, and manipulates the events they take part in in creating, as well as shaping the way new information is processed and articulated (McDaniel 2011, pp. 104-5;Patton 2016a). 5 The tree in question is the kyek-yone (Jasminum sambac) tree and is used especially during religious festivals. These dreams are what I have come to refer to as "phantasmagorical." Motivated by their dreams, many Burmese Buddhists attempt to physically materialize their dream experiences in their everyday, non-sleeping worlds. One main avenue for how they accomplish this is through constructing religious structures that deviate quite radically from the more traditional ones found ubiquitously spread throughout Myanmar. 6 Using a standard definition of phantasmagoria as a fantastical combination, collection, or assemblage of images, such edifices are certainly phantasmagorical in nature, exactly because these structures are inspired by counterintuitive, supernatural agent-laden dreams. Not simply content to model their structures on inspiration gained from these dreamers, some Buddhist architects are determined to replicate, as closely as possible, what they witness in their dreams.
The Thambuddhe and Arlein Nga Sint pagoda complexes in Monywa and Yangon, Myanmar, respectively, are two examples of such sites. Both were built around the mid-20th century in accordance with designs taken directly from the dreams of monks. Monhyin Sayadaw, the monk who initiated construction of the Thambuddhe Pagoda complex, experienced dreams of supernatural agents in the form of hermits, bodaw and wizard-saints dictating the layout of the religious edifices. Likewise, the monk and architect of the Arlein Nga Sint Pagoda had similar dreams of Buddhist agents appearing to him providing details for where and how to construct the pagoda (see Figure 3). These monk architects considered their dreams to be the blueprints for their construction projects and attempted to replicate what they experienced in their dreams. This included not only the architectural proportions, but affective dimensions as well.
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 everyday, non-sleeping worlds. One main avenue for how they accomplish this is through constructing religious structures that deviate quite radically from the more traditional ones found ubiquitously spread throughout Myanmar. 6 Using a standard definition of phantasmagoria as a fantastical combination, collection, or assemblage of images, such edifices are certainly phantasmagorical in nature, exactly because these structures are inspired by counterintuitive, supernatural agent-laden dreams. Not simply content to model their structures on inspiration gained from these dreamers, some Buddhist architects are determined to replicate, as closely as possible, what they witness in their dreams. The Thambuddhe and Arlein Nga Sint pagoda complexes in Monywa and Yangon, Myanmar, respectively, are two examples of such sites. Both were built around the mid-20th century in accordance with designs taken directly from the dreams of monks. Monhyin Sayadaw, the monk who initiated construction of the Thambuddhe Pagoda complex, experienced dreams of supernatural agents in the form of hermits, bodaw and wizard-saints dictating the layout of the religious edifices. Likewise, the monk and architect of the Arlein Nga Sint Pagoda had similar dreams of Buddhist agents appearing to him providing details for where and how to construct the pagoda (see Figure 3). These monk architects considered their dreams to be the blueprints for their construction projects and attempted to replicate what they experienced in their dreams. This included not only the architectural proportions, but affective dimensions as well. These Buddhist architects wanted the structures to evoke similar emotions, thoughts, feelings, in people who visited their edifices as they experienced in their dreams. Heavenly fruits, fantastical creatures, high ceilings with European styled chandeliers, mirrors lining all corners of the large structures, thousands upon thousands of Buddha statues and sacred diagrams adorning the walls and lavishly painted in bright colors of yellows, reds, and blues they are sites that, as Justin McDaniel points out, work "on the visitor and in total possesses an affective potential" (McDaniel 2016, p. 23). In this sense, such sites are phantasmagorical exactly because spectators are often reduced "to an 6 Tosa (2012: 337) refers to such structures as "non-standard religious buildings". and lavishly painted in bright colors of yellows, reds, and blues they are sites that, as Justin McDaniel points out, work "on the visitor and in total possesses an affective potential" (McDaniel 2016, p. 23). In this sense, such sites are phantasmagorical exactly because spectators are often reduced "to an attitude of pure reaction" and give its visitors a "frame for immediate enjoyment" (Berdet 2013). Such places "do not teach through narrative," McDaniel writes, "but by immediacy. They keep a person in the moment of aesthetic enjoyment" (McDaniel 2016, p. 24). The Arlein Nga Sint Pagoda, for instance, is a uniquely baroque multi-tiered structure coated with nearly two-hundred kilograms of gold. The vaulting upper section appears more French château than Theravada temple, with powder blue walls and lavish Rococo windows and moldings (see Figures 4-6). The pagoda is surrounded by a low-walled labyrinth that, when not locked behind a gate, allows visitors to casually meander through the complex maze-like structure.
Perhaps more important than aesthetic enjoyment, however, is how these sites function as places of protection for Buddhists in general, and the country of Myanmar, in particular. Most of the dream-inspired building projects are of pagodas whose origins are a mix of phantasm, portentousness, and protection. Daw May, a senior member of the Ministry of Health, admitted to me one afternoon after locking her office door. Wealthy and well-educated, Daw May said that she was never very interested in religious activities until one night she had a dream where she "I saw a large man, who looked like [a wizard], riding a horse on a cold, misty morning," recounted Daw May. She could not make out the details of the man's appearance because of the fog, but the rider told her "that the next few years will be filled with natural and political catastrophes all around the world" and that she must erect a specific kind of pagoda in order to keep such catastrophes from taking place in Myanmar. She did not attach any importance to the dream until several years later when, in 1994, she had a similar dram while she was engaged in work along the Myanmar-Thai border. "[The wizard] told me to erect a pagoda in this area using donations from Shan and Thai people and make sure to invite them to the pagoda finial topping ceremony," Daw May continued. "He even gave me a vision of what the pagoda should look like." As she explained further, she could no longer ignore these dreams and took them as a sign that the wizard had chosen her to carry out religious activities for the protection and stability of her country.
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 14 attitude of pure reaction" and give its visitors a "frame for immediate enjoyment" (Berdet 2013). Such places "do not teach through narrative," McDaniel writes, "but by immediacy. They keep a person in the moment of aesthetic enjoyment" (McDaniel 2016, p. 24). The Arlein Nga Sint Pagoda, for instance, is a uniquely baroque multi-tiered structure coated with nearly two-hundred kilograms of gold. The vaulting upper section appears more French château than Theravada temple, with powder blue walls and lavish Rococo windows and moldings (see Figures 4-6). The pagoda is surrounded by a low-walled labyrinth that, when not locked behind a gate, allows visitors to casually meander through the complex maze-like structure. Perhaps more important than aesthetic enjoyment, however, is how these sites function as places of protection for Buddhists in general, and the country of Myanmar, in particular. Most of the dreaminspired building projects are of pagodas whose origins are a mix of phantasm, portentousness, and protection. Daw May, a senior member of the Ministry of Health, admitted to me one afternoon after locking her office door. Wealthy and well-educated, Daw May said that she was never very interested in religious activities until one night she had a dream where she "I saw a large man, who looked like [a wizard], riding a horse on a cold, misty morning," recounted Daw May. She could not make out the details of the man's appearance because of the fog, but the rider told her "that the next few years will be filled with natural and political catastrophes all around the world" and that she must erect a specific kind of pagoda in order to keep such catastrophes from taking place in Myanmar. She did not attach any importance to the dream until several years later when, in 1994, she had a similar dram while she was engaged in work along the Myanmar-Thai border. "[The wizard] told me to erect a pagoda in this area using donations from Shan and Thai people and make sure to invite them to the pagoda finial topping ceremony," Daw May continued. "He even gave me a vision of what the pagoda should look like." As she explained further, she could no longer ignore these dreams and took them as a sign that the wizard had chosen her to carry out religious activities for the protection and stability of her country.   Such a dream, and the subsequent construction of a pagoda inspired by that dream, is a common theme found in many dream accounts: Having prescience that a catastrophe will soon befall the country and its Buddhist population, a Buddhist entity appears to the dreamer entreating him/her to build a pagoda that has apotropaic properties to keep the prophesized dangers at bay (Patton 2018(Patton , 2016b. Precedents for which can be traced back to at least the anti-Colonial movements of the 1930s (The Rebellion in Burma, April 1931-March 1932, Confidential, para. 8, L/P&J/6/2020). The pagodas in Such a dream, and the subsequent construction of a pagoda inspired by that dream, is a common theme found in many dream accounts: Having prescience that a catastrophe will soon befall the country and its Buddhist population, a Buddhist entity appears to the dreamer entreating him/her to build a pagoda that has apotropaic properties to keep the prophesized dangers at bay (Patton 2018(Patton , 2016b. Precedents for which can be traced back to at least the anti-Colonial movements of the 1930s (The Rebellion in Burma, April 1931-March 1932, Confidential, para. 8, L/P&J/6/2020). The pagodas in question are quite unlike the more traditional ones found ubiquitously spread throughout Myanmar. As anyone who has spent time in the country or looked through picture books on pagodas knows that the typical pagoda style, like the bell-shaped Shwedagon, is one with only slight stylistic variations between pagodas of this kind. Pagodas that trace their provenance to directives provided by Buddhist entities in dreams, however, deviate substantially in that they exhibit variations in shapes and configurations seldom found in more traditional pagodas. 7 Indeed, this is exactly what we find in the Thambuddhe Pagoda discussed above (see Figure 7). Built at the start of the Second World War, the pagoda, whose official name is "The Pagoda That Overcomes the Three Catastrophes" (thambuddhe kap-kyaw zedi) was erected with the belief that it would protect the country from, disease, famine, and war (Sumana 1990, pp. 207-9).
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 14 question are quite unlike the more traditional ones found ubiquitously spread throughout Myanmar. As anyone who has spent time in the country or looked through picture books on pagodas knows that the typical pagoda style, like the bell-shaped Shwedagon, is one with only slight stylistic variations between pagodas of this kind. Pagodas that trace their provenance to directives provided by Buddhist entities in dreams, however, deviate substantially in that they exhibit variations in shapes and configurations seldom found in more traditional pagodas. 7 Indeed, this is exactly what we find in the Thambuddhe Pagoda discussed above (see Figure 7). Built at the start of the Second World War, the pagoda, whose official name is "The Pagoda That Overcomes the Three Catastrophes" (thambuddhe kap-kyaw zedi) was erected with the belief that it would protect the country from, disease, famine, and war (Sumana 1990, pp. 207-9).

Conclusions
Rather than downplaying the role of dreams in the histories and lived experiences of Buddhists and the places they deem sacred, this article has shown that dreams are accorded important status in the Burmese Buddhist tradition of determining the sacredness of specific places in Myanmar. Buddhists identify, ruminate upon, and share those dreams that are special, i.e., contain supernatural agents of a counterintuitive nature bearing messages that have the potential of transforming the lives of the dreamer in both mundane (lokiya) and supramundane (lokuttara) affairs. The religious worlds that Buddhists experience in their dreams and which are transferred to the waking world in the forms of phantasmagorical pagodas are intensely affective, especially when it pertains to the material and visual aspects of religion. Attending to such aspects conveys the "sensuous life of a religion, shaping, coloring, and organizing" that it often overlooked by scholars working on dreams in Buddhism. 8 7 Tosa (2012) refers to such dream inspired structures as "non-standard religious buildings".

Conclusions
Rather than downplaying the role of dreams in the histories and lived experiences of Buddhists and the places they deem sacred, this article has shown that dreams are accorded important status in the Burmese Buddhist tradition of determining the sacredness of specific places in Myanmar. Buddhists identify, ruminate upon, and share those dreams that are special, i.e., contain supernatural agents of a counterintuitive nature bearing messages that have the potential of transforming the lives of the dreamer in both mundane (lokiya) and supramundane (lokuttara) affairs. The religious worlds that Buddhists experience in their dreams and which are transferred to the waking world in the forms of phantasmagorical pagodas are intensely affective, especially when it pertains to the material and visual aspects of religion. Attending to such aspects conveys the "sensuous life of a religion, shaping, coloring, and organizing" that it often overlooked by scholars working on dreams in Buddhism. 8 Funding: This research was funded, in part, by project No. 21608215 of the Hong Kong Research Grant Council and project No. 7200508 of the City University of Hong Kong.

Gambhira maggajaṅ
religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for al Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a n throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources eams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams ists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in uals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and sional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of ral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams f functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing tionships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience nts coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, an engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that ent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams evotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence llowers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in ach of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; ; Coderey 2014). include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and aggajaṅʻ". exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or o leaves. religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for al Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a n throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources eams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams ists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in uals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and sional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of ral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams f functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing tionships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience nts coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, an engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that ent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams evotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence llowers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in ach of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; ; Coderey 2014). include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and aggajaṅʻ". exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or o leaves.
. August 2016. Ran one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in  Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves. kun one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in  Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves. believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in  Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves. believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.
Praññ believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.
May believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.
La mu rup believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.
cum . buddha van believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understo directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see b such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of po magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical work one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Isla example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collectio interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and main prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic so of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were c defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for d involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretati unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecie a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sour revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which d serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbo interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists expe supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chance a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the ag to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formativ influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. D offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confi in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dream are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also app 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigare chewing tobacco leaves. samuiṅ believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and in occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pag magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritic one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one find example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as aut of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources ex involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream int unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and p a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around r However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain importa revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhis supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely pa although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase th a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy o to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a B is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most f influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other d offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for provid in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They a 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; H Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ m Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoki chewing tobacco leaves. believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and in occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pag magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritic one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one find example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as aut of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources ex involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream int unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and p a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around r However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain importa revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhis supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely pa although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase th a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy o to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a B is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most f influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other d offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for provid in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They a 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; H Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ m Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoki chewing tobacco leaves.
. Ran believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states a directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill th magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (one one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what o example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the syst interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to de prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepte of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious au defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative so involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dre unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on vision a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered ar However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of litera serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing eviden interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese B supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are comple although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to inc a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact w is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅ Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra) chewing tobacco leaves. kun believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking st directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking w such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where mirac occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as w example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Ac of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religio defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritati involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition o unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on v a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathere However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition rem revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing e interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burm supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are co although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly a to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first con is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience a influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is importa in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These a are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one ano 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; P Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (m chewing tobacco leaves. : Kambha lth" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they al as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as n tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things ontent of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular o sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that igious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for lias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and ms formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a roughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources s, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly ature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams , devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in , articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and al dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. , dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams unctions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing ships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, ngage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as h a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity eam, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and d that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams tees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence ers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; derey 2014). ude Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and jaṅʻ". rcises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or ves. ae ealth" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as , in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, ten of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular e no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that eligious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and eams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources ams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly erature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams ts, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in als, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and onal dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. lam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of al lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing onships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). he primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience s coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, n engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that t will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as uch a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and nd that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams votees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence owers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in h of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; oderey 2014). clude Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and gajaṅʻ". xercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or eaves. stry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of " (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained tudy that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese f books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the opular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from ently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with ed offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements ese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during to the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of ral Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during pernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic evance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the in 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they they would experience in their waking states and are understood as ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, c places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular cated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that itions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and d the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources eir connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly s 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of d a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams ncluding conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing ias 2012, p. 200). means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience to their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, reliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that hem during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as ion may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and eloped with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams ections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence rdians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that r Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in e branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Aung 1959; . tta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or pran VIEW 3 of 15 almistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained an be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of rldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained ural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese ing of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those rldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from nsistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with ecorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. urces that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during s into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of rnatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during se supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic e relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as gible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, pecific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things t of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular phisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that s traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for hows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and ormed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a hout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources nd their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams otees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in cles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and ream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. reams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of ns, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams ons including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing s" (Elias 2012, p. 200). ary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ing into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, e in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as isitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity , they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and t developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams ' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence r guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that enever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in ese five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;. akkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and . s may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or maggajaṅ OR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 logy and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained ranches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese s comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer tions for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the f dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with ams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements ortant by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds.
these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during e windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during tates. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic umans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the t health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they t as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as ing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things he content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that er religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for al Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and f dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a ion throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources reams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly h literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams hists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in nuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and ssional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of oral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing lationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). e the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that gent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as w such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence ollowers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that ed to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;0;. es include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and maggajaṅʻ". d exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or co leaves. OR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 logy and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained ranches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese s comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer tions for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the f dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with ams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements ortant by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds.
these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during e windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during tates. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic umans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the t health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they t as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as ing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things he content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that er religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for al Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and f dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a ion throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources reams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly h literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams hists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in nuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and ssional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of oral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing lationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). e the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that gent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as w such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence ollowers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that ed to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;0;. es include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and maggajaṅʻ". d exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or co leaves.  (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese uage sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer iled explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those aining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the rpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with ch these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements idered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during p. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of municating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during r waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic ortance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the re and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they eve to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as ctly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things r. Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular azines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for ple. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and rpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a inent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources nowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly ned in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams lving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in ublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and ost of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. ever, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of lation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams e a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing rpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, ough people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that pernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as hen and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity ade during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and ential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams r glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence eir roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in or more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;ozenberg 2010;. uch magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". uch rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or hewing tobacco leaves.  (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds. One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites. However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.

Mrui : Moṅ
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds.
One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites.
However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in  Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.

Moṅ
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds.
One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites.
However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in  Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or chewing tobacco leaves.

Mraṅ
Religions 2018, 9, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 15 verses; (3) astrology and palmistry; (4) alchemy; and (5) indigenous medicine. 1 Knowledge gained from these five branches can be used to manipulate the world for mundane ends. At the other end of the spectrum is "other-worldly" (lokuttara) knowledge and refers to specialized knowledge gained from meditation or scriptural study that is used for attaining Nirvana. There are many Burmese language sources comprising of books, monthly journals, websites, and Facebook groups that offer detailed explanations for each of the five branches of "this-worldly knowledge", as well as those pertaining to "other-worldly knowledge"-a large portion of which are dedicated to the interpretation of dreams. The popular Buddhist lokiya and lokuttara magazines in publication from the 1990s to the present consistently include articles and interviews about dreams. 2 The detail with which these dreams are recorded offer valuable insight into the reoccurring themes and elements considered important by Burmese Buddhists of a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds.
One gleans from these sources that dreams are more than just visions created by the mind during sleep. They are windows into the Burmese Buddhist world where people have ways of communicating with supernatural Buddhist agents that are otherwise not readily available during their waking states. These supernatural agents "have full access to information of strategic importance to humans. The relevance of dreams often relates to the dreamers' concerns about the future and about health" (Nordin 2011, p. 225). There are aspects about the dream state that they believe to be just as real as what they would experience in their waking states and are understood as directly influencing, in tangible ways, one's experiences with the waking world. As we will see below, such dreams are often of specific places in Myanmar; places where miraculous and insightful things occur.
Although the content of such dreams and their interpretations fill the pages of popular magazines, there are no sophisticated sources of Buddhist dream literature (oneirocritical works) that one finds in other religious traditions, certainly not as sophisticated as what one finds in Islam, for example. As Jamal Elias shows in the context of Islam, dreams and the systematic collection and interpretation of dreams formed the basis for an oneirocritical tradition to develop and maintain a prominent position throughout the history of Islam (Elias 2012, p. 203). Accepted as authentic sources of knowledge, dreams, and their connections to revelation and religious authority, were clearly defined in hadith literature (Elias 2012, p. 203). Because no such authoritative sources exist for dreams involving Buddhists, devotees rely on an informal oral tradition of dream interpretation in unpublished manuals, articles in popular religious magazines, books on visions and prophecies, and a host of professional dream interpreters and fortune tellers gathered around religious sites.
However, as in Islam, dreams in the Burmese Buddhist tradition remain important sources of revelation and moral lessons, and a "broader, less easily defined variety of literature in which dreams serve a variety of functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in 1 tionships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience nts coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, an engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that ent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and ond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams evotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence llowers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in ch of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;;. include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and aggajaṅʻ". exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or leaves.
ññhaṅ nal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). ms are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ral agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, eople can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that tural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as nd how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity uring a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and l in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams pses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence les as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in re on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;erg 2010;. agazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and sa Con'maggajaṅʻ". tuals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or g tobacco leaves.
nal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). ms are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ral agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, eople can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that tural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as nd how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity uring a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and l in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams pses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence les as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in re on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;erg 2010;. agazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and sa Con'maggajaṅʻ". tuals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or g tobacco leaves.
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists exp supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chan a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the a to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhis is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most format influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing con in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of drea are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also ap 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Htin Au Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅ Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigar chewing tobacco leaves.
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhist supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are completely pas although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Bu is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most fo influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other dei offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providin in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They als 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton 2012; Hti Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ ma Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking chewing tobacco leaves. ññhaṅ interpersonal relationships" (Elias 2012, p. 200).
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese B supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are comple although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to incr a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the m to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact w is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and o offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅ Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra) chewing tobacco leaves.
Dreams are the primary means by which the majority of Burmese B supernatural agents coming into their lives. These experiences are comple although people can engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to incr a supernatural agent will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the m to when and how such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact w is made during a dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the influential in the bond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and o offer glimpses of devotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for in their roles as followers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the are often referred to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. 1 For more on each of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005; Patton Rozenberg 2010; Coderey 2014). 2 Such magazines include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅ Vijjā Rasa Con'maggajaṅʻ". 3 Such rituals and exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra) chewing tobacco leaves.
To ra Kyoṅ tions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing ps" (Elias 2012, p. 200). imary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ing into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, ge in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that l visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity , they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and at developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams s' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that henever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in hese five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;y 2014).
Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ". es may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or tions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing ps" (Elias 2012, p. 200). imary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ing into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, ge in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that l visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity , they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and at developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams s' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that henever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in hese five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;y 2014). Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ". es may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or Tuik f functions including conferring status, providing evidence, and symbolizing ionships" (Elias 2012, p. 200). the primary means by which the majority of Burmese Buddhists experience ts coming into their lives. These experiences are completely passive in that, n engage in preliminary religious rituals and exercises to increase the chances that nt will visit them during their sleep, they are mostly at the mercy of the agent as such a visitation may occur. 3 For those whose first contact with a Buddhist entity dream, they frequently cite that initial experience as the most formative and ond that developed with the world of Buddhist saints and other deities. Dreams evotees' connections to certain agents, which is important for providing confidence lowers or guardians of the Buddha's teachings. These are the kinds of dreams that to whenever Buddhists share stories with one another. They also appear in ch of these five branches, see, respectively: (Tosa 2005;Patton 2012;Htin Aung 1959;. include Nakkhatta Ron Khrann maggajaṅʻ", Gambhira maggajaṅʻ", Roṅʻ pranʻ maggajaṅʻ" and ggajaṅʻ". exercises may include meditation, chanting sacred verses (mantra), smoking cigarettes, or leaves.