The Young Goddess Who Dances through the Ordinariness of Life—A Study on the Tantric Traditions of Kerala

: Drawing on both ethnographic and literary sources, this paper indicates that initiations into the mantra of B¯al¯a are essential rites of passage for various Tantric communities. We focus on two previously unstudied texts: B¯al¯avim.´sati stotra (“Twenty Verses on the B¯al¯a Goddess”), a popular eulogy sung on festive occasions in Keralan temples, and B¯al¯ad¯ıks.¯apaddhati (“A Treatise on Initiation into the B¯al¯a Mantra”), a short treatise explaining the rules of initiation into the B¯al¯a cult of Kerala. The article contextualizes the texts by providing commentaries of practitioners and interpretations of Keralan gurus who initiate their adepts into ´ Sr¯ıvidy¯a.


Introduction
The aim of this paper is to highlight the importance of worship of the goddess Bālā Tripura Sundarī in modern Keralan culture. Drawing on both ethnographic and literary sources, the study indicates that initiations into the mantra of Bālā are essential rites of passage for various communities, including Brahmin and non-Brahmin families. We focus on two previously unstudied texts: Bālāvim .ś ati stotra ("Twenty Verses on the Bālā Goddess"), a popular eulogy sung on festive occasions in Keralan temples, and Bālādīks .ā paddhati ("A Treatise on Initiation into the Bālā Mantra"), a short treatise explaining the rules of initiation into the Bālā cult of Kerala. The latter text was found in the manuscript collections of a Brahmin family from central Kerala 1 . The collections are being edited and digitalized by the present authors with the intent of preserving and making this body of valuable scholarly material widely available.
The Bālā goddess is one of the manifestations of Tripurā, the main deity ofŚrīvidyā, a Hindu Tantric cult (Brooks 1992). As the name Tripurā indicates, she has three forms: Tripurā Bālā (The Young Maiden of Three Worlds), Tripurasundarī (The Beauty of Three Worlds), and Tripurabhairavī (The One who Terrifies the Three Worlds). Tripurā is a personification ofŚakti, the all-encompassing power of the universe. She is venerated as a maternal figure, gracious and compassionate. The worship of the Tripurā goddess is rooted in the nondual philosophy of KashmirianŚaivism and multiple references to this system can be found in the texts ofŚrīvidyā. Flood (1996, p. 186) names the earliest sources of the tradition as Nityās . od . aśikārn . ava and Yoginīhr . daya, which together form a compendium known as Vāmakeśvara Tantra. The first text is a ritual handbook dealing with external rites, while the latter can be called an exposé on esoteric interpretations of theŚrīvidyā main yantra-the iconicśrīcakra. White (1997, p. 176) argues also thatŚrīvidyā originated in Kashmir in the 12th and 13th centuries and afterwards "migrated" into South India, where it has remained the mainstream form ofŚākta Tantra.
Even though there are not many temples dedicated to Tripurā in Kerala,śrīcakra is secretly worshipped by various communities, and the Bālā goddess is often invoked with a popular hymn, Bālāvim .ś ati stotra, during temple festivals. This article interprets the

Bālāviṃśati-Its Sanskrit and Malayalam Commentaries
A well-known Keralan commentary of Bālāviṃśati was written by Rāghavānanda and published by Ganapati Sastri in 1897. However, Sastri also refers to another voluminous commentary, Laghubṛmhaṇī, by a Parameśvarācārya (Sastri 1917, preface). Many Keralan commentaries on Bālāviṃśati can be found in an intertextual dialogue with their contemporary philosophical and Tantric scriptures. Kaikkulangar Rama, in his study of the Bālāviṃśati, refers to a Sanskrit commentary titled Sarvārthacintāmaṇi, and a Malayalam commentary written by K. Vasudevan Moos. Perikaman refers to two obscure commentaries: Kuḷacūḍāmaṇi by an unknown author and an untitled commentary by an anonymous Jaina scholar (Namputiri 2016, p. 8). Three other Keralan scholars have also written commentaries of Bālāviṃśati: Kandiyur Mahadeva Shasthrikal wrote Bhāṣābhāṣyaṃ, Kaikkulangara Ramavarier composed Rahasyakalpataru, and K. Vasudevan Moos wrote Bālapriyā, a simple but lucid commentary aimed at uninitiated scholars.
In the present study, we attempt to interpret the Bālāviṃśati stotra with the help of the Keralan commentaries and reread it in the context of modern Tantric practices. By doing so, we intend to show a multifarious image of the Kerala Tantra. We would like to indicate how the beliefs encoded in the traditional chants and tantric texts have been enlivened by modern practitioners in their observances.

Stanzas 1-10: Bālāviṃśati and a Process of Decoding Mantras
The first verse of Bālāviṃśati describes the goddess Bālā and elaborates on the three syllables that encapsulate her powers: aim kḷīṃ sauḥ. Bālā, the text teaches, appears to shine with various colours to empower the adept. Thus, the author observes, if an adept chants the Bālā mantra, the syllables travel within their subtle body, energizing it. This process of a spiritual charging of the body should be controlled through specific meditations. Hence, an adept is instructed to first move their awareness to the crown of the head (sahasrāra) and meditate on the goddess shining with cool, whitish rays like the rays of the moon. Afterwards, the adept should focus on the third eye (ājñā cakra) and contemplate the goddess shining with the brightness of "Indra's bow", that is, the rainbow. Finally, the adept should bring their awareness to their heart (anāhata cakra) and imagine the goddess emanating the rays of the Sun. 8

Bālāvim .ś ati-Its Sanskrit and Malayalam Commentaries
A well-known Keralan commentary of Bālāvim .ś ati was written by Rāghavānanda and published by Ganapati Sastri in 1897. However, Sastri also refers to another voluminous commentary, Laghubr . mhan .ī , by a Parameśvarācārya (Sastri 1917, preface). Many Keralan commentaries on Bālāvim .ś ati can be found in an intertextual dialogue with their contemporary philosophical and Tantric scriptures. Kaikkulangar Rama, in his study of the Bālāvim .ś ati, refers to a Sanskrit commentary titled Sarvārthacintāman . i, and a Malayalam commentary written by K. Vasudevan Moos. Perikaman refers to two obscure commentaries: Kul . acūd .ā man . i by an unknown author and an untitled commentary by an anonymous Jaina scholar (Namputiri 2016, p. 8). Three other Keralan scholars have also written commentaries of Bālāvim .ś ati: Kandiyur Mahadeva Shasthrikal wrote Bhās .ā bhās . yam . , Kaikkulangara Ramavarier composed Rahasyakalpataru, and K. Vasudevan Moos wrote Bālapriyā, a simple but lucid commentary aimed at uninitiated scholars.
In the present study, we attempt to interpret the Bālāvim .ś ati stotra with the help of the Keralan commentaries and reread it in the context of modern Tantric practices. By doing so, we intend to show a multifarious image of the Kerala Tantra. We would like to indicate how the beliefs encoded in the traditional chants and tantric texts have been enlivened by modern practitioners in their observances.

Stanzas 1-10: Bālāvim .ś ati and a Process of Decoding Mantras
The first verse of Bālāvim .ś ati describes the goddess Bālā and elaborates on the three syllables that encapsulate her powers: aim kl .ī m . sauh . . Bālā, the text teaches, appears to shine with various colours to empower the adept. Thus, the author observes, if an adept chants the Bālā mantra, the syllables travel within their subtle body, energizing it. This process of a spiritual charging of the body should be controlled through specific meditations. Hence, an adept is instructed to first move their awareness to the crown of the head (sahasrāra) and meditate on the goddess shining with cool, whitish rays like the rays of the moon. Afterwards, the adept should focus on the third eye (ājñā cakra) and contemplate the goddess shining with the brightness of "Indra's bow", that is, the rainbow. Finally, the adept should bring their awareness to their heart (anāhata cakra) and imagine the goddess emanating the rays of the Sun. 8 The Keralan commentaries of Bālāvim .ś ati explain the importance of this visualization and ascribe the method of meditation to a specific tradition. Kaikkulangara Ramavarier (Namputiri 2016, p. 83) notes that the three points of meditation (sahasrāra,ājñā, and anāhata) are specifically used by, what he calls, the Avadhivādin tradition of Bālā worship. Ramavarier refers to an obscure text of an unknown author titledŚaivāgamarahasya, which divides the mode of worship of Bālā Tripura into two sub-traditions: Avadhivādin and Adhis . t . hānavādin. While the Avadhivādin tradition insists that one should start the meditation by concentrating on the sahasrāra, the Adhis . t . hānavādins first focus on their lower cakras: the goddess is first visualized in the mūlādhāra cakra then in the anāhata cakra and afterwards in theājñā cakra). Hence, Kaikkulangara Ramavarier concludes that the author of the stotra, Laghubhattāraka, belonged to the Avadhivādin sect, like the Pit .ā rakas.
The value of the Bālā Tripurā mantra is further explained in the stotra: the second and third verses discuss the powers of its first syllable, aim . . The text teaches that the internal spiritual energy, kun . d . alinīśakti, resides in the four-petalled lotus of the mūlādhāra cakra of the human body. Kun . d . alinī is compared here to the tendril of a cucumber plant. The text explains that the syllable aim . may activate kun . d . alinī. One should therefore chant aim . and visualize the internal spiritual energy as a viny tendril that grows with every repetition of the mantra. Similarly, the commentary of Shasthrigal says that the four petals of the mūlādhāra lotus hiding the kun . d . alinī can be energized simply by chanting the diphthong "ai", as in the syllable "aim" (Namputiri 2016, p. 26). According to the Sanskrit grammar rules, the "ai" sound is formed by a combination of two vowels: "a" and "e" (As . t .ā dhyāyī 6.1.88). Shasthrigal indicates that, according to Tantric belief, the vowel "a" stands for adhāraśakti, the kun . d . alinī "asleep" in mūlādhāra cakra. Thus, by chanting this phoneme in a prescribed manner, adepts can realize the power of kun . d . alinī within their bodies. The commentator explains that the remaining component of aim is "e", a vowel which, according to the grammatical rules of Sanskrit, is composed from "a" and "i" (ādgun . ah . ; As . t .ā dhyāyī 6.1.87). Moreover, the Sanskrit vowels can be long or short, and therefore "a" here stands for both "a" and "ā" and "i" represents "i" but also "ī". Collectively, these four vowels are to be identified with the four petals of the lotus of the mūlādhāra cakra. Hence, the chanting of vowels supposedly resonates with the subtle energies of the cakra, represented as lotus petals.
In verse 3, the author proclaims that the Bālā mantra has enormous powers and, even if misarticulated, can bring about powerful effects. Thus, the stotra reveals, if one chants the syllable aim . without its final nasal sound (anusvara, m . ), or if one chants only "ai", they may still receive the blessing (Malayalam: anugraham . ) of Bālā. This statement is later supported by another claim that even if one mispronounced the syllable but chanted it with devotion, they would surely be granted all their wishes. The text implies the superiority of bhakti (devotion) over perfect pronunciation or mastery of the Tantric technicalities. 9 Shasthrigal's commentary (Namputiri 2016, p. 28) corroborates this claim with a myth from Devībhāgavata about Satyavrata-a foolish Brahmin who moved to a forest to do his penance. Once, when he was trying to meditate, he saw a hunter killing a wild boar. Terrified by the violent scene, he screamed "ai, ai!" and was instantly transformed into an eminent scholar.
The fourth verse of Bālāvim .ś ati details the powers of the second syllable (bīja) of the mantra, that is, kl .ī m . . The text explains that kl .ī m . , known by the name kāmarāja (the one that fulfils all desires), consists of three phonetic units: "k", "l" and "īm . ". Bālāvim .ś ati suggests that the sound "īm", even without the "k" and "l", is as powerful as the holy syllable Om . . Commenting on this statement, a Keralan scholar, P. A. Shankaran Nampoothiri (Nampoothiri 1991, p. 24), quotes a verse from Yajurveda that tells a story of Brahmins chanting the mantra "īm" on the day of a new moon. Nampoothiri concludes that the kl .ī m . mantra must therefore derive from the Vedic tradition. Finally, the fifth verse of Bālāvim .ś ati discusses the third syllable, sauh . , which can be divided into two components: "s" and "auh . ". In the Keralan commentaries, there is a poetic verse explaining that the "auh . " phoneme should be imagined as a submarine fire which can evaporate the vast waters of Religions 2022, 13, 667 6 of 38 human ignorance (Namputiri 2016, p. 112;Moos 1961, p. 14). Furthermore, Bālāvim .ś ati affirms that there are different methods of reciting the Bālā mantra and, since devotional piety is the key, they are all equal. Hence, the mantra can be recited with or without vowels, nasal sounds, or aspiration (visarga). Apparently, the mantra can also be chanted without consonants, with syllables joined together or separated, or even in reverse order. This ostensibly exaggerated claim is seemingly an attempt to praise the inherent powers of the mantra. This thesis is elaborated in the commentary of Rāghavānanda (Sastri 1917, p. 15), who adds that the mantra can be recited with or without giving due regard to r . s . is (sages), chandas (metre), devatās (gods) and gurupāduka (the feet of gurus). This statement refers to a long-standing tradition according to which mantras have the above-mentioned three identifiers. The mantra is ascribed to a particular deity or spiritual being and has a distinguishable metre and a patron-a sage who received the mantra in meditation or by supernatural means (Hanneder 1997). These elements, according to the commentary, can again be omitted, and the traditional rules of recitation changed accordingly. A similar remark is found in aŚrīvidyā text, Varivasyārahasya, of Bhāskararāya. There, the author states that the names of sages, the metre, and the names of deities and other technicalities of recitation are indeed only the "external limbs" of the spiritual practice (Varivasyārahasya 2000, 2.160, p. 123). Rāghavānanda concludes that mantra can be recited by devotees regardless of their gender and caste (Sastri 1917, p. 15).
From the seventh verse onward, Bālāvim .ś ati deliberates on various visualizations of the goddess Bālā. The author mentions her many perfections and states that one cannot attain poethood without meditating on the goddess who shines like fresh camphor and jasmine flowers. Hence, if one intends to become a poet, they should meditate and visualize the goddess as gazing with her beautiful eyes that are like fully ripened lotus petals. The goddess holds in her left hand a sacred scripture (grantha) and shows abhaya-mudrā, a gesture of fearlessness. In one of her right hands, she holds a garland of crystals, and her other right hand shows varada-mudrā, a gesture of dispensing boons. Shasthrigal also warns that this visualization of the goddess is essential for those who attempt to chant her mantra (Namputiri 2016, pp. 16, 37). 10 These verses on meditation segue into the next, which give other images of the goddess-the visual representations of the mantra's syllables. Curiously, in the next stanzas (verses 8-10), the syllables of the mantra are given in reverse order. Thus, in the eighth verse, the text elaborates on the third syllable, that is, "sauh . ", which is calledśakti bīja, a power-seed syllable. Shastrigal (Namputiri 2016, p. 38) explains that the poetic stanzas of Bālāvim .ś ati are codified instructions for mantric chanting. The reverse order of the syllables refers to the popular practice in Kerala of chanting the mantra as a six-syllable formula, that is, consisting of three syllables in the normal order and three pronounced backwards. This practice is generally considered more auspicious as it removes possible faults and curses of the mantra (mantrados . a). The method of visualization requires one to focus on the highest cakra. Therefore, according to the commentators, the author again confirms his adherence to the Avadhivādin tradition.
Bālāvim .ś ati also teaches another method of meditation on the goddess, a patron of the syllable kl .ī m . . The goddess invoked with this syllable should be imagined as residing in the adept's mūlādhara cakra, the lowest energy centre. She should be holding an arrow and showing gestures of abhaya and varada. Her complexion is reddish-like vermilion, which radiates from her body and fills the sky around her (Namputiri 2016, p. 127). One can argue here that this picture is a symbolic representation of kun . d . alinī. The vibrant red colour symbolizes the power of the kun . d . alinīśakti, which stays curled in the lower cakra, but once awakened, flows upwards, piercing and activating other energy centres. The arrow of the goddess can therefore be interpreted as the symbol of the activation of kun . d . alinī. Arguably, abhayamudrā may refer to the fearlessness of the adept, a prerequisite for a spiritual quest. The text also refers to the varada mudrā-the wish-fulfilling gesture-by stating that the mantra practice will grant all wishes and make a person attractive to the opposite sex. Finally, in the tenth verse, the text discusses the syllable aim . , known as the Vāgbhava or Sarasvatī syllable, the mantra of the power of speech. Meditating on this syllable, one should imagine the goddess as adorned with golden bangles, studs, shoulder bracelets, a waist chain, and a garland of lotus flowers. According to a commentary of Kaikkulangara Ramavarier, the goddess should be visualized as a beautiful woman sitting in the adept's heart. She is holding a noose (pāśa) and a goad (aṅkuśa) and showing abhaya and varada gestures. 11 The text further elaborates on meditative techniques and in verse 11 there is a visualization that should be correlated with the chanting of the "īm . " part of the klīm . syllable. The goddess, a patron of "īm . ", holds a noose, a goad, flowers, and a sugar cane. She is sitting in a yogic posture (āsana) calledĀrbhat . ikā, which is interpreted by Rāghavānanda as a sittingāsana, with one thigh placed over the other. The name of thisāsana, is not found in known Hat . ha yoga treatises, and curiously, its name is derived by the commentator from a Kanarese verbĀrbhat . a, which means to cry aloud. 12 Nevertheless, in Nāt . yaśāstra (1934, p. 87), there is also a reference toĀrabhat .ī vr . tt . i, a form of acting that is energetic and which includes presentations of tough, warrior-like characters. Hence, if we acceptĀrbhat . ikā as a variant reading ofĀrabhat .ī , theĀrbhat . ikāāsana may be interpreted as the seating posture of a warrior or a distinguished person. According to Keralan traditional explanations and customs, sitting with one thigh placed upon the other is a sign of superiority, which means that children and women are not allowed to sit in this pose in public. Thus, the goddess, by sitting in theĀrbhatiāsana, boldly shows her prominent position. Moreover, the goddess is visualized as sitting upon the corpse (pretāsana) of Paramaśiva, who himself lies upon the serpent Vāsuki. This visualization is again reminiscent of popular adages about kun . d . alinī sakti: the human body without this spiritual energy is believed to be dead (preta orśava). 13 5.2. Stanzas 11-15: Bālāvim .ś ati and the KeralanŚākta Tradition of Val . ayanāt . ukāvu The many visualizations and meditative couplets found in Bālāvim .ś ati are of vital importance to the religious life ofŚākta communities in Kerala. For instance, the 11th verse of Bālāvim .ś ati is one of dhyānaślokas (prayers of invocation) chanted to invoke the goddess in Val . ayanāt . u kāvu, one of theŚākta temples located on the outskirts of Kozhikode city (Krishnanunni 2014, p. 13). The previously mentioned legends include: Val . ayanāt . u kāvu is in the list of 13 temples of the Bhat . t .ā rakas. 14 Since the 14th century C.E., the Val . ayanāt . u temple and its surrounding groves (kāvu) were patronised by the royal dynasty of the Zamorins (Sāmūdiri). 15 As per legend, a Zamorin king was instructed by a local goddess to build a temple at the place (nāt . u) where her anklet (val . a) had been found. The temple today is still an important centre for the descendants of the royal house of Kozhikode, Samuthiri Kovilakam, and aŚākta Brahmin family-the Mūssats.
The Mūssats, like the Pit .ā rars, introduce themselves as followers of the Kashmirian Krama system of Kālī, as well as adepts ofŚrīvidyā. As mentioned in several studies on the Tantric traditions of Kerala,Śrīvidyā influenced manyŚākta family traditions that flourished in Kerala and can be regarded as a linkage between them. The termŚākteya is frequently used in Malayalam as the name for localŚākta families, such as the Mūssats, and their rites, which include offerings of meat, fish, and alcohol (Karasinski 2020). 16 The main authority of theŚākta temple worship is vested upon the senior member of the clan called Mūtta Pit .ā rar. It is said that Mūtta Pit .ā rar receives the highest initiation called adhidīks .ā , which is supposed to bestow upon him the secret teachings ofŚrīvidyā. Other members ofŚākta clans receive mantra-dīks .ā , that is, the mantra of Bālā Tripurā, which grants access to the inner circle of believers. Praising the importance of the mantra, some believers refer to the 15th verse of Bālā vim .ś ati which presents the Bālā Tripurā goddess as the mother of all sounds and mantras, and as the origin of the universe. 17 As with sounds, all the beings, including great gods like Brahma or Vis . n . u, originate from her and dissolve in her at the end of time. She is, therefore, the beginning and the end of everything.
The Keralan goddess ofŚākteya traditions has many manifestations. Hence, even though the priests of Val . ayanāt . u kāvu praise her with Bālā Tripurā invocations, she is also venerated in the same community as a warrior in her solitary fight against a demon called Ruru. So-called Rurujitvidhāna, the worship of the goddess in her form of a warrior who vanquished the demon, is a distinctive feature of the temple ritualism. The warrior goddess is imagined wearing a garland made of the heads of demons; she holds in her hands a shield (khed . a), a skull (kapāla), a snake (pannaga), a bell (mahāghan . t .ā ), the head of the demon, a staff with a skull at the top (khad . vāṅga), a trident (triśikhā), and a sword (khad . ga) (Sarma 2015, p. 556). The fierce goddess residing in the holy grove is also called Bhairavī and for someŚrīvidyā adepts, she is Tripurabhairavī, the frightening incarnation of the Tripurā goddess. For many local devotees who go each day to pray in Val . ayanāt . u kāvu, she is simply "amma" (mother or goddess), a compassionate mother and protector of the land. The temple ritualism of the Val . ayanāt . u kāvu also includes the rites of Tantra of Keralan Brahmins derived from the popular treatises: Tantrasamuccaya andŚes . asamuccaya. 18 The various layers of the ritual practice are visible in both public (temple) and private forms of worship in Val . ayanāt . u kāvu. The private worship of theŚākta families and the secret rites performed in their temples are rooted in Krama andŚrīvidyā orthopraxy. One should remember that Krama and Tripurā cults have always been closely connected through their scriptural traditions. 19 The connections between Krama andŚrīvidyā receive additional meaning in Kerala, where the Pit .ā rar and Mūssats 20 combine mantras and ritualistic practices of both systems. The worship of sequences (krama) of the Kālīs was evident in the earliest strata of their ritualism, but the cult gradually changed its original character: complex rituals were simplified, and the adoration of navayoni cakra was introduced. 21 Nevertheless, the Mūssat family refers to their tradition by several names, such as Raudra (the Fierce [tradition]), Kaula and Mahārtha (The Great Aim). We would suggest that the authority of the Mūssat family relies on three factors: (1) the importance of their Brahmin tradition; (2) the KashmirianŚaiva roots; and (3) the knowledge ofŚrīvidyā and expertise in mantras. Interestingly, the family also legitimizes its practices as well as its religious and social power through its possession of a considerable body of manuscripts pertaining to all the above-mentioned traditions. The priests of the family also point toŚes . asamuccaya as another source of their Rurujitvidhāna. In this respect,Śes . asamuccaya insists that the Rurujit goddess is in fact Kālī in her form of Bhadrakālī. Coincidently, a formula often used to invoke Bhadrakālī in Keralan Brahmanical traditions also consists of the Bālā mantra: aim kl .ī m . sauh . hrīm . bhadrakāl . yai namah . .

The Mūssats' Tradition: Bālāvim .ś ati,Śrīcakra and Rites of Power
Moreover, certain aspects ofŚrīvidyā iconography can be found in the Val . ayanāt . u kāvu temple. In the sanctum sanctorum are granite representations of seven mother goddesses and an ancientśrīcakra (Jayashanker 2008, pp. 245-46). According to the priests, thé srīcakra of Val . ayanāt . kāvu was engraved by aŚaiva saint,Śivayogi TayyāvūrŚivaśaṅkar. Tradition says that the act of consecrating theśrīcakra also marked a change in the ritualism of the Mūssat community. According to local legend, the ancestors of modern Mūssats lived in the Western Kozhikode known by the name Pol . anāt . u, which was ruled by the Porl .ā tiri dynasty. 22 Traditionally, Mūssats, loyal to the Porl .ā tiri kings, served as theūrāl . ar (trustees and administrators) 23 of the Tal . i Mahāks . etram . , one of the oldestŚiva temples of Kozhikode. When, in the 14th century C.E., a Zamorin king tried to conquer Pol . anāt . u, his army killed the Mūssats who resided in the temple. 24 The massacre happened near the western gate of the temple, which in modern times remains closed in remembrance of those who were murdered. According to the tradition, aŚaiva priest KokkunnattuŚivāṅṅal 25 persuaded the Zamorins to repent for the bloodshed and the desecration of the Tali Temple. Hence, the Zamorins, after claiming the whole of Kozhikode, decided to organize a literary competition, the Rēvati pat . t . attānaṁ (Figure 2), which gathered scholars, literati, and poets from across Kerala and soon became a major annual event. 26 Moreover, as another act of repentance, the Zamorins appointed the Mūssats as priestly assistants to the Tali Temple. 27 Some devotees from Kozhikode argue that the consecration ofśrīcakra in Val . ayanāt . u kāvu temple, which happened afterwards, marked a change in the Mūssat tradition, which from that time onwards became moreŚrīvidyā-oriented. CertainŚākta rites are performed in secrecy in the household of the Mūssat family and Mahārtha pūjā (aśākta rite with meat and alcohol offerings to the goddess Kālī) is conducted at midday in the inner precincts of the temple. However, at the time of the annual festival, the midday rites are conducted at the Mūssat household, and temple rituals are performed by the Nampūtiri Brahmins of Cennas illam who are also the main priests of the Tali Temple. Another symbolic act is performed during the festival: a sword (the legendary weapon dedicated to the goddess) is taken from the Tali Temple of Kozhikode and ceremonially transported to the Val . ayanāt . u. Hence, one may suggest that there is a particular interplay between the rites performed by Nampūtiri Brahmins and Mūssats and perhaps a power play between the two Brahmin traditions.
Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 39 annual event. 26 Moreover, as another act of repentance, the Zamorins appointed the Mūssats as priestly assistants to the Tali Temple. 27 Some devotees from Kozhikode argue that the consecration of śrīcakra in Vaḷayanāṭu kāvu temple, which happened afterwards, marked a change in the Mūssat tradition, which from that time onwards became more Śrīvidyā-oriented.Certain Śākta rites are performed in secrecy in the household of the Mūssat family and Mahārtha pūjā (a śākta rite with meat and alcohol offerings to the goddess Kālī) is conducted at midday in the inner precincts of the temple. However, at the time of the annual festival, the midday rites are conducted at the Mūssat household, and temple rituals are performed by the Nampūtiri Brahmins of Cennas illam who are also the main priests of the Tali Temple. Another symbolic act is performed during the festival: a sword (the legendary weapon dedicated to the goddess) is taken from the Tali Temple of Kozhikode and ceremonially transported to the Vaḷayanāṭu. Hence, one may suggest that there is a particular interplay between the rites performed by Nampūtiri Brahmins and Mūssats and perhaps a power play between the two Brahmin traditions. The annual event includes rites of purification conducted by the Nampūtiris and "rites of power" (Śākta-Kaula offerings of meat and alcohol performed according to the Mūssats tradition). This is important, as Bālāviṃśati, in the 14th verse, discusses the different methods of worshipping the goddess employed by people of different castes. Bālāviṃśati says that Brahmins give milk, kings satiate the goddess with ghee, merchants offer honey, and others make an offering with liquor. The text assures the readers that whatever they pray for will be instantly granted. Rāghavānanda comments that Brahmins can use ghee if milk is unavailable, and honey if neither milk nor ghee can be found. Finally, liquor can be offered if none of the other substances are available. 28 If liquor cannot be found, one can offer gandhodaka (perfumed water). K Vasudevan Moos (Moos 1961) observes, in his commentary, that every person, regardless of caste or creed, is eligible to worship the goddess. Nevertheless, the modern Mūssats introduce themselves as Brahmins and defend the "impurity" of their ritual offerings (e.g., wine) by calling themselves Śākta Brahmins. Similarly, in his commentary on Bālāviṃśati, Moos (1961, p. 30) explains that people may use various tools and give different offerings, but they all will surely benefit from the worship of the Bālā goddess and from chanting her name. In the Keralan context, Moos' statement has an additional undertone. In contemporary Kerala, Tantric paths are generally considered open to all. 29 On the other hand, secret mantras and special rites of passage are traditionally performed The annual event includes rites of purification conducted by the Nampūtiris and "rites of power" (Śākta-Kaula offerings of meat and alcohol performed according to the Mūssats tradition). This is important, as Bālāvim .ś ati, in the 14th verse, discusses the different methods of worshipping the goddess employed by people of different castes. Bālāvim .ś ati says that Brahmins give milk, kings satiate the goddess with ghee, merchants offer honey, and others make an offering with liquor. The text assures the readers that whatever they pray for will be instantly granted. Rāghavānanda comments that Brahmins can use ghee if milk is unavailable, and honey if neither milk nor ghee can be found. Finally, liquor can be offered if none of the other substances are available. 28 If liquor cannot be found, one can offer gandhodaka (perfumed water). K Vasudevan Moos (Moos 1961) observes, in his commentary, that every person, regardless of caste or creed, is eligible to worship the goddess. Nevertheless, the modern Mūssats introduce themselves as Brahmins and defend the "impurity" of their ritual offerings (e.g., wine) by calling themselvesŚākta Brahmins. Similarly, in his commentary on Bālāvim .ś ati, Moos (1961, p. 30) explains that people may use various tools and give different offerings, but they all will surely benefit from the worship of the Bālā goddess and from chanting her name. In the Keralan context, Moos' statement has an additional undertone. In contemporary Kerala, Tantric paths are generally considered open to all. 29 On the other hand, secret mantras and special rites of passage are traditionally performed only by members of a given family. Hence, for instance, while a potential adept (sādhaka) may choose a guru according to their preference, a member of a particular Tantric clan may be required to undergo Bālā initiation and perform rituals for her in a traditional manner (e.g., kaula), as a part of their family tradition.
The question of eligibility for Bālā worship is also raised in a protective chant, Bālā kavaca, found in a manuscript collection of Chattangottupuram Kal . ari Panikkars (Figure 3). According to the members of the family, the kavaca was formerly chanted by the ancestors of the clan. Their complex rituals, like the ceremonies of the Mūssats, have been simplified in modern times, and the chant is no longer used ritually. On the other hand, another clan of Panikkars, Areekkulangara Kal . ari Panikkars of Kozhikode, continues to perforḿ Sākta rituals for the Bālā goddess in their family kal . aris (traditional martial arts centers) and praise her with chants at their monthly ceremonies. Areekkulangara Kal . ari Panikkars recite Bālā kavaca as well as Bālāvim .ś ati and Devīmāhātmyam during their ceremonies. Bālā kavaca proclaimed that various castes and communities may benefit from worship of Bālā. The text implies that it is necessary for a Brahmin to chant the kavaca to gain all knowledge and protection. The Ks . atriyas 30 , if they repeat the kavaca, will receive many kingdoms, and the Vaiśya 31 may multiply their goods and become prosperous. The text says that evenŚūdras, the lowest of the four social classes of ancient India, would benefit greatly from chanting the kavaca. Bālā kavaca also explains that multiple recitations may bring even more prosperity. This is again confirmed in verses 12 and 13 of Bālāvim .ś ati. There, the text highlights the powers of the Bālā mantra by recalling a story ofŚrīvatsa, a king who was born in poverty and, with the blessing of the goddess, became the ruler of the whole world. Thus, the text continues, all hardships that one may need to endure while serving the goddess in this life will lead to a better birth, and in their next incarnations, those diligent devotees will be born with auspicious signs on their hands. They become emperors of the world, praised by entourages of Vidyādharas. Rāghavānanda describes the Vidyādharas as those who possess knowledge of the Vedas. Hence, the commentator concludes, Bālāvim .ś ati implies that the followers of Bālā Tripur .ā will become powerful leaders, scholars, and masters of all branches of knowledge (Sastri 1917, p. 24). 32 The reference to the Vedas is also of importance here-many Tantric families in Kerala are in fact Brahmins (e.g., the Mūssats) educated in Sanskrit and Vedic literature. However, in their tradition, Tantric lore is seen as complementary (rather than as contradictory) to the Vedas. 33 only by members of a given family. Hence, for instance, while a potential adept (sādhaka) may choose a guru according to their preference, a member of a particular Tantric clan may be required to undergo Bālā initiation and perform rituals for her in a traditional manner (e.g., kaula), as a part of their family tradition.
The question of eligibility for Bālā worship is also raised in a protective chant, Bālā kavaca, found in a manuscript collection of Chattangottupuram Kaḷari Panikkars ( Figure  3). According to the members of the family, the kavaca was formerly chanted by the ancestors of the clan. Their complex rituals, like the ceremonies of the Mūssats, have been simplified in modern times, and the chant is no longer used ritually. On the other hand, another clan of Panikkars, Areekkulangara Kaḷari Panikkars of Kozhikode, continues to perform Śākta rituals for the Bālā goddess in their family kaḷaris (traditional martial arts centers) and praise her with chants at their monthly ceremonies. Areekkulangara Kaḷari Panikkars recite Bālā kavaca as well as Bālāviṃśati and Devīmāhātmyam during their ceremonies. Bālā kavaca proclaimed that various castes and communities may benefit from worship of Bālā. The text implies that it is necessary for a Brahmin to chant the kavaca to gain all knowledge and protection. The Kṣatriyas 30 , if they repeat the kavaca, will receive many kingdoms, and the Vaiśya 31 may multiply their goods and become prosperous. The text says that even Śūdras, the lowest of the four social classes of ancient India, would benefit greatly from chanting the kavaca. Bālā kavaca also explains that multiple chanting may bring even more prosperity. This is again confirmed in verses 12 and 13 of Bālāviṃśati. There, the text highlights the powers of the Bālā mantra by recalling a story of Śrīvatsa, a king who was born in poverty and, with the blessing of the goddess, became the ruler of the whole world. Thus, the text continues, all hardships that one may need to endure while serving the goddess in this life will lead to a better birth, and in their next incarnations, those diligent devotees will be born with auspicious signs on their hands. They become emperors of the world, praised by entourages of Vidyādharas. Rāghavānanda describes the Vidyādharas as those who possess knowledge of the Vedas. Hence, the commentator concludes, Bālāviṃśati implies that the followers of Bālā Tripuṛā will become powerful leaders, scholars, and masters of all branches of knowledge (Sastri 1917, p. 24). 32 The reference to the Vedas is also of importance here-many Tantric families in Kerala are in fact Brahmins (e.g., the Mūssats) educated in Sanskrit and Vedic literature. However, in their tradition, Tantric lore is seen as complementary (rather than as contradictory) to the Vedas. 33

Stanzas 16-20: The Name Tripurā and Nāmapārāyan . a Upāsana
The worship of Tripurasundarī has been described as tripartite, that is, centred on pūjā (ritual), mantra (chanting), and cakra (meditation on the sacred diagram). These three types of worship correspond to the three forms of the goddess, which are her physical form (sthūlarūpa) represented in anthropomorphic images, her subtle (sūks . ma) or mantra form, and her transcendent, supreme (parā) form (Lidke 2017, p. 15). In a similar fashion, in the 16th verse of Bālāvim .ś ati stotra, the author provides an etymology of the word Tripurā. The text refers to threefold divisions and triads of Indian philosophy and mythology. Thus, she embodies and gives her name to three worlds, three lines of sacred gāyatrī chant, sacred thread, and even the three Vedas. According to the commentary of Rāghavānanda (Sastri 1917, p. 34), the triple entities and principles found in the world create the aparā (inferior) form of the goddess. She transcends all of those in her supreme form (para) that encompasses everything. 34 Similarly, Shasthrigal (Namputiri 2016, p. 54) states that it is not only the name of the goddess that refers to the three worlds, but anything that can be divided into three is her abode (trīn . i purān . i yasyāh . sā).
However, Bālāvim .ś ati stotra indicates that the goddess manifests herself in various forms and under many names. The 17th verse states that to obtain the best results, one should choose a name depending on the situation or place of worship. Hence, the text prescribes people to worship her as Laks . mī in the royal house but to invoke her as Jayā in times of war. She should be called Ks . emam . karī by a wanderer following lonely tracks but addressed asŚabarī when attacked by wild beasts or serpents. A hiker in the mountains should call her Durgā and pray to her in her form of Bhairavī when accosted by ghosts and demons. 35 If in danger amidst water, one should call her Tārā. Nevertheless, when unsure, one should simply call her Tripurā. 36 This verse again reminds us of one of the complexities of Tantric worship that we could observe in the Val . ayanāt . u Temple. There, the goddess was invoked with Bālāvim .ś ati stotra and mantras ofŚrīvidyā and Krama but imagined in her various guises, for instance, as the solitary heroine fighting with demons. Shasthrigal confirms these statements in his commentary and adds that when Tripurā is imagined as a 9-year-old girl, she is Bālā; in the form of a 15-year-old girl, she isŚrīvidyā; and when she is visualized as a 16-year-old girl, she is S . od . aśī or Mahās . od . aśī (Namputiri 2016, p. 57). It is worth noting that a synonym of Bālā, Kumārī, is found in verse 18, and in fact, the word Bālā is never stated in the text except in the title. Moreover, the 18th verse gives other names of the goddess. However, according to the commentators, they refer to various mantric syllables used in the Tantric practice. Consequently, the 19th verse explains the principles of mantroddhāra (creation of mantras) and states that there are 20,000 combinations of vowels and consonants that form the various names of Tripurā.
The two Keralan commentators, Kaikkulangara Ramavarier and K. Vasudevan Moos, elaborate on the rules of these phonetic transformations. They observe that 16 vowels (svara) of the Sanskrit alphabet can be combined with 35 consonants (vyañjana), creating a total of 560 combinations. These 560 combinations can, in turn, be joined with consonants to create 19,600 new mantras. 37 Finally, by adding vowels to the 19,600 phonetic combinations, one can create 20,160 names of the goddess. Concluding this elaborate derivation, the commentators agree that the title of the stotra is an apt one because an initiated practitioner may derive 20,000 names of the goddess from the 20 verses of the text. The process of derivation, the construction of the mantras, and the subsequent chanting of them in a prescribed manner is considered a spiritual practice (upāsana) known as nāmapārāyan . a upāsana (Namputiri 2016).
The last verse of Bālā vim .ś ati proclaims that an initiated devotee and a scholar of mantras should deconstruct the first verse of the stotra and derive the Bālā mantra from it. In the Tantric tradition, the mantra cannot be studied from a text but should be given by a guru. Therefore, those who have already realized the potency of the mantra will benefit from chanting the stotra, finding the many names of the goddess and her multiple powers within each of the Bālā vim .ś ati's verses. The final verse of the stotra also contains the author's apology for possible mistakes and omissions that might be found in the poem. The author hopes that these errors may be forgiven as the text is filled with his devotion and therefore communicates spiritual matters that are more important than linguistic accuracy. This statement is analyzed by Rāghavānanda who indicates its "lightness" (laghutva) in contrast with the serious theme of the stotra. Consequently, Rāghavānanda calls the author Laghubhat . t .ā raka and points to the quality of the text itself, which employs various rasas (sentiments) and alam . kāras (poetic ornaments) combined in a superb and flawless manner.

Bālādīks .ā paddhati and the Transmission of the Bālā Mantra
6.1. Bālāvim .ś ati stotra and Bālādīks .ā paddhati-MappingŚrīvidyā onto the Keralan Cultural Landscape The reading of Bālāvim .ś ati through the above-mentioned Sanskrit and Malayalam commentaries shows how the Bālā mantra and her cult were encoded in the local cultural matrix. In the second part of our paper, we would like to focus on the transmission of the mantra as an act of perpetuating the tradition and an act of empowerment. The two texts discussed here seem complementary: while the Bālādīks .ā paddhati instructs how to impart the mantra, the Bālāvim .ś ati explains the purpose of its chanting and decodes its deeper layers of meaning. Berliner and Sarró (2007, p. 10) indicate two modes of religious transmission: a transmission of religious practice through a frequently repeated, standardized form that relies on explicit verbal knowledge stored in semantic memory (sermon type), and the imagistic mode that includes initiations and involves highly emotional arousal that activates episodic or flashbulb memories. In the context of Tantric rites, dīks .ā , a ritual of initiation, is an example of the second mode, and, according to belief, it enables an adept to participate in ritual acts of a tradition and helps them to attain liberation. The theme dīks .ā is not new to the academic study of Tantric traditions. Tantric traditions have always promised liberation from the suffering of life through rites of initiation by a guru, a liberated master. According to Tantric traditions, mantras are not to be chanted without initiation, and the practice of mantra after initiation leads an adept towards union with the divine and, in some cases, induces states of ecstatic or religious bliss (Urban 1997, p. 11). In the act of transmitting the mantra from guru to adept, the mantra is given together with a mantra-vīrya, the energy (śakti) of the enlightened consciousness of the teacher (Müller-Ortega 1989, p. 83). In many traditions ofŚākta Tantra, adepts are empowered with goddesses' mantras, and a process of initiation (dīks .ā ) involves aŚaktipāta, the awakening ofśakti within practitioners' bodies (Caldwell 2001).
The initiations involve a drastic reconfiguration of one's life aims, forsaking previous identities and gaining a new status within a religious community. In some cases, a dīks .ā requires an adept to leave the ordinary lifestyle or even "travel" to other spiritual worlds, receive blessing from the guardians of the tradition, and prove their worth by surviving trails. Tantric gurus often indicate the secretive nature ofŚākta Tantric initiatory rituals that are conducted within the hermetic circles called "families" (kula). Indeed, in Kerala, a Tantric community is often either a particular clan or family-like group, with a guru being a spiritual parent and senior adepts playing the roles of elder siblings and helpers. Tantric groups, like many secret societies, forged their identities based on the concept of secret revelation that is available only to the members of the tradition who are on a quest towards spiritual upliftment. The initiations mark the adepts' path towards liberation in life (jivanmukti) or for supernatural powers (Wallis 2008).
Initiations play a crucial role in the Tantric traditions of Kerala but are rarely discussed in the textual sources. Sarma observes that while some early Tantric ritual manuals of Kerala (e.g., Prayogamañjarī) 38 explain the rules of initiation, later ones either omit the subject of dīks .ā or discuss it briefly, giving it less importance than the previous texts (Karasinski 2020). In time 39 , the complex rites of initiation were replaced in the texts with a simple transmission of the mantra (mantra-dīks .ā ) or consecrations (abhis . eka). This is especially true in the case of Tantrasamuccaya and other ritual manuals that deal with temple rituals and are designed for priests officiating in the temples (Sarma 2010). In contemporary times, the livingŚākta traditions of Kerala initiations are vital-they allow an adept to enter a community of practitioners and to assume a new identity and spiritual guidance. The rules of these initiations are also found in a few obscure Tantric texts that belong to certain Brahmin families orŚākta communities. In the case of dīks .ā of the Bālā mantra, the first initiation of theŚrīvidyā tradition, its procedure differs from one guru-lineage to another. In this study, we present a succinct manual Bālādīks .ā paddhati and compare the methods of initiation found therein with those revealed by modern gurus of Kerala.

Bālādīks .ā paddhati: The Rules of Initiation
The text of Bālādīks .ā paddhati was found in the collection of P. Gopalakrishna Nambi from Chalappuram. The manuscript itself is a transcript copied by Ramachandra Sharma, a Brahmin who resided in the so-called Cākyār mat . ham (literally: a property of the Cākyārs), a religious centre built by the authorities of the Tali Temple of Kozhikode. The Tali Temple has remained an important spiritual centre of Kozhikode and has organized various artistic festivals and literary traditions. 40 The Cākyār mat . ham (was used by the Cākyārs, a caste of storytellers and bards who were often invited to temple festivals to recite the ancient legends. 41 After the time of prosperity, the Cākyārs' property was bought by Tamil Brahmins, who turned it into a library and a study. One of them, Ramachandra Sharma, resided in the mat . ham in the 1920s and devoted his time to transcribing palm-leaf manuscripts related to rituals, poetry, and Tantric studies. In the 1970s, after the death of Ramachandra Sharma, his successors donated his rare collection of transcripts to their neighbour P. Gopalakrishna Nambi, an academician and a Sanskrit scholar well versed in Tantra and astrology. In his transcript of Bālādīks .ā paddhati, Ramachandra Sharma indicated that the original manuscript contained more than one text: it opens with Bālādīks .ā paddhati and continues with Sanskrit commentary on the mantras of various Hindu goddesses (Vāgvādinī, Rājamātaṅgī, Bahalā and Vārāhī). It includes a short Sanskrit chant, Svayamvarakavaca (a chant for the protection of marriage), and a long treatise on Mantraśāstra (magical incantations) written in the Malayalam language.
The Bālādīks .ā paddhati prescribes an initiation into the ritual system of the Bālā goddess for deserving adepts (adhikārins). Having selected an adept for initiation, the guru should go to a temple or sacred ground and make offerings to the goddess in Bālā cakra. The cakra, drawn on the ground, should have a central point (bindu) surrounded by a triangle, a six-angled figure, a circle, and a square. Inside the diagram, a guru should cast a handful of paddy rice and, above it, place a decorated vessel that must also be perfumed, filled with water, and enveloped with a newly prepared piece of cloth. The guru should place a leaf of the mango or coconut tree, a holy image, and gems into a jar decorated with flowers. The text cautions that the guru should perform the ritual only on an auspicious day and gives astrological requirements for the day of initiation. The next step prescribed by the text is the kalaśapūjā or "honouring of the vessel". The guru should make a vow to perform the kalaśapūjā by saying: "I will perform a rite of the vessel for the Bālā goddess as stated in the manual of Bālā, the highest goddess". 42 The guru must then make another vow to honour the vessel and a conch used in the ritual. After giving offerings of perfumes, flowers, and unhusked rice (aks . ata), the guru visualizes Bālā sitting in the lotus of their heart. Next, by performing prān .ā yāma (breathing in through the right nostril), the guru imagines the goddess in the vessel, visualizing therein her limbs (aṅgas), weapons, and her divine entourage. Then, the guru chants the main mantra of Bālā composed of six syllables, 43 and by doing so, invokes the goddess into the vessel. The mantra is also mentioned in the text as pure wisdom (Śuddha-vidyā), as she represents pure consciousness. The invoked goddess is then treated like a guest, and the guru addresses her with the following words that correspond to polite requests given to a special visitor: The guru summons the deity through a combination of mantras, visualizations, and specific mudrās, ritual gestures. Once the deity is visualized as appearing and taking her seat at the designated spot, the guru invites her to stay and listen to the prayers. He then performs a prān . a pratis . t . hā, a rite of consecration in which the vital force (prān . a) of the deity is invoked into the said vessel. This ritual is done with the following mantra: "Let the prān . a of Bālā descend into this vessel and stay pleasantly and long". 44 One should then, according to the text, honour the seat with 16 services (upacāras). The upacāras differ from tradition to tradition but usually include: invocation (āvāhana), the offering of a seat (āsana); water for washing the feet (pādya); the offering of water admixed with several ingredients (like sandalwood paste or raw rice grains: aks . ata) to honour the guest (arghya); water for sipping (ācamanīya); sweet light food (madhuparka), usually a mixture of honey and clarified butter; bath (snāna); clothes (vastra); ornaments (bhūs . an . a); perfumes or fragrances (gandha or candana); flowers (pus . pa); incense (dhūpa); light (dīpa); food (naivedya); sometimes water is given again to rinse the mouth and hands (punar acamana); finally, prostrations (pran .ā ma) or circumambulations (pradaks . in .ā ) are performed. Sometimes, the ritual includes offering flowers and mantras (mantrapus . pāñjali) or betel leaves and betel nuts (tāmbūla) before the formal act of farewell (visarjana) (Bühnemann 1988, pp. 102-3).
As observed by Bühnemann (1988, p. 137), the offering ofāsana-pādya-arghya-ācamanīya can be traced back to an old Indian custom of honouring distinguished guests (arghya) by giving them a place to sit, water to wash their feet and hands, and water to drink. These 16 services are inscribed in a paradigm of invocation or welcoming of the divine guest and the act of farewell. Afterwards, the guru should honour the elements (tattva) of the universe and chant the main mantra of the goddess again. Next, the 16 services should be repeated, and this part of the ritual should be concluded with a water satiation (tarpan . a). The satiation is followed by flower offerings carried out 108 times. After this, the guru is instructed to perform a homa, a fire offering for the goddess Bālā. The text reminds us that the guru should have prepared a Bālā yantra (a mystical diagram) on the right-hand side of the fire pit, and above this, they should place a decorated vessel for the adept who is to be initiated. Then, the guru takes a vow to perform a fire offering and sanctify the vessel and conch.
Tantric homa rituals are usually performed to purify and protect a person (or a place) from various dangers and negative influences. The ritual space itself should also be designated and protected. Hence, the text instructs the guru to decorate the fire altar with flowers and incenses and worship the eight guardians of directions (as . t Having worshipped these guardians, the guru should meditate on the goddess Bālā and visualize her in the sacred fire pit. He then worships the pedestal (pīt . hapūjā), places the vessel upon it, and uses the Bālā mantra again to invoke the goddess therein.
Then, the guru is supposed to perform various forms of nyāsas-the imposition of mantras on their body. The text mentions r . s . i-nyāsa (the imposition of names of sages); 46 kara-nyāsa (the empowerment of hands with mantras); and sixfold nyāsa (the imposition of mantras on six limbs of the body). In kara-nyāsa, the guru recites mantras ascribed to their fingers; they recite a mantra and move the thumb from the base to the tip of the finger. In the case of the thumb, the nyāsa is done with the index finger, which should press the thumb from base to the tip. The kara-nyāsa is concluded with one hand swiping across the other. In aṅga-nyāsa, the six limbs are touched with various combinations of right-hand fingers. The act of the sixfold aṅga-nyāsa can be interpreted as a practice of moving awareness to various points of the body and enclosing one body within a sacred space. With various mudrās, the Tantric guru touches their heart, head, tuft of their hair, the three eyes (with three fingers), crosses their hands on their chest, and ends the nyāsa by uttering the astra (weapon) mantra for protection. The last act is often performed with a gesture imitating shooting an arrow and biding the direction (Bühnemann 1988, pp. 122-23). By imposing the mantras, the body of an adept is purified, empowered, and finally divinized. Afterwards, the guru should prepare vessels with melted butter and milk and place a tuft of grass near them. The guru is instructed to chant the mantra of the goddess twice and set the grass on fire. Afterwards, the goddess is invoked into the fire and presented with the offerings again. The text teaches that the fire should be fed with wood: either Bastard Teak (palāśa), aegle marmelos (bilva), sindura (vermilion), gul .ū cī or durva. The guru adds two ladles of ghee to the fire and performs fire oblations 28 times with the mantra: aim klīm . sauh . bālāparameśvari svāhā. The procedure is then repeated 28 times with milk. Finally, the guru should make offerings with a drop of water from the vessel into a water pitcher and into the fire. All this should be done with the main mantra of Bālā. Afterwards, the guru makes offerings of pūrn . a pātra hūti, a burnt offering at the close of sacrifices. The text says that the pūrn .ā hūti is the last of the offerings. Interestingly, the term uttamam used in this statement can mean the last but also the best. The text explains that with this offering they acquire everything they need. The pūrn .ā hūti is done with a single drop of clarified butter offered into the fire. Thus, the fire ritual is concluded. When the pūrn .ā hūti is completed, the dīpārādhana, the waving of a lamp, should be performed. After this, in a process of visarjana (bidding farewell), the deity leaves all the places in which she was previously invoked, that is, the vessel, fire, and the worshipper's heart. In the end, the sanctified food is collected, and an adept awaiting initiation is called. The guru should sprinkle the adept with water from the conch, saying: atmatattvam .ś odhayāmi-"I purify the principle of Self (ātma)." vidyātattvam .ś odhayāmi-"I purify the principle of Wisdom (vidyā)." In this way, the guru purifies the elements or principles (tattvas) of the adept's body. According to Paraśurāmakalpasūtra (6.18), there are three main principles:ātmatattvam . , vidyātattvam . andśivatattvam . . In fact,ātmatatvam . is again subdivided into 24 elements from ks . iti to prakr . ti and vidyātattvam . is divided into 7 from purus . a to māyā. All these elements are supposed to be purified with the sanctified water of the conch. Afterwards, the guru makes an offering with pañcagavya, the "five products of cow", 47 saying: "By taking of the five products of the cow, the sin that has entered into the skin and bones shall be burned, like fuel on a fire".
Next, the guru should cleanse the body of the adept with the holy ash and invoke the Bālā goddess into the body of the adept by performing the mātr . ka-nyāsa, the casting down of Sanskrit syllables of the goddess' mantra. In fact, the goddess in theŚrīvidyā tradition is often called Mātr . kadevi (Vāmakeśvarīmata 2005, verse 1.11) and praised as Parā Vāc, the Supreme Speech. Then, the guru gives five offerings again to honour the goddess. This is the time when the adept awaiting initiation is requested to stand near the guru facing east in the place where the water consecration (abhis . eka) should be performed. The guru needs to stand in front of the adept, showing the light of the lamp (nirañjana). While doing so, the guru chants a mantra that says: antas-tejo bahis-tejah . ekīkr . tyâmitaprabham . sambāhyâbhantaram . jyotir dīpôyam . pratigr . hyatām .
"The inner light and the external light are one that shines bright, with inner and outer flash, I accept this lamp ". 48 In this context, the kula may also mean "family", as the ritual virtually introduces a new adept into the Tantric community. According to Bālādīks .ā paddhati, after nirañjana, the guru should perform an abhis . eka, that is, pour the water from the vessel onto the head of the adept while chanting a mantra. Interestingly, the mantra used here is derived not from Tantric but from the Vedic tradition (Taittirīya-Brāhman . a): devasya tvā savituh . prasave aśvinor bāhubhyām . pūs . n . o hastābhyām . aśvinor bhes . ajena tejase brahma-varcasenâ nandādyen â bhis . iñcāmi|| "On the impulse of god Savitr . , with the arms of the two Aśvins, with the hands of Pūsan, with the healing power of the Aśvins, with the power of the sacred knowledge and so forth, for the illuminating light, I besprinkle [you]" After the abhis . eka, the guru should again show the light of the lamp (nirañjana) and again make an offering with five products of the cow. Then, after the abhis . eka, the adept should change into new clothes. Besmeared with ashes, with their tattvas purified with the water, the adept appears again in front of the guru with a thread-bangle (pratisarā) in their right hand. At this time, the guru should recite a br . hatsāma mantra: Chanting that mantra, the guru should tie the thread around adept's left hand. After this, the guru should whisper the Bālā mantra into the right ear of the adept. The text instructs the performer of the rite to honor the tradition from gurus to pīt . has and offer food to the goddess.
After communicating the mantra to the adept, the guru should perform the dīpārādhana: the worship of the goddess by waving a lamp. The guru then honors the vessels used in the ritual for the last time and recites aŚāntistava, a hymn of peace. The ritual of initiation is concluded with the sanctified food being distributed among the community. The text says that it is customary for an adept to give gurudaks . in .ā (gifts or tokens of gratitude) to the guru. In modern Kerala, adepts who request the tuition of a Tantric guru usually offer him or her a cloth (dhoti) along with the guru's fee placed on a leaf. This gurudaks . in .ā is, in most cases, a voluntary fee. 49 The money is put on a leaf with a coin on top, and then the leaf is placed on a folded loincloth. A disciple would kneel before the guru to give the gurudaks . in .ā and receive the mantra (Karasinski 2020).

The Vessel on Guru's Head: Bālādīks .ā paddhati in the Context of Living Traditions
According to Van Gennep's classic theory, the rituals facilitate an individual's passage from one social grouping to another. They "dramatize that transformation by holding the person in a suspended 'betwixt and between' state for a period of time, and then reincorporate him or her into a new identity and status within another social grouping" (Van Gennep 1960, p. 25). Van Gennep proposes a threefold pattern of the rites. The first phase is called "separation" and usually involves series on minor acts of purification and symbolic "losing of identity". The separation phase may include bathing or a change of clothes. The second stage is the transition-a person undergoing the ritual is symbolically kept outside the lay conventions or sociocultural laws. In this phase norms and ordinary routines are neglected and new rules introduced. The third and final stage involves welcoming the adept into a new community or status (i.e., a new birth of the new self). In this state, a person may receive a new name, symbolic marks, or insignia. The phase is usually concluded with a communal meal and integration with other members who have already passed the ritual.
The initiation described in Bālādīks .ā paddhati is an example of Van Gennep's three-stage patterned rite. The acts of purification performed with ablutions, prayers, and nyāsas prepare the adept for a new role: becoming a member of a Tantric community. The stage of transition in the case of the Tantric dīks .ā is marked by the learning of new rules of purity and ritualistic routines. The adept's new identity is finally created by the guru, who often gives the adept a new name and with it, their new status.
In the first statement, the Bālādīks .ā paddhati insists on choosing a dedicated adept who deserves initiation. This aspect is mentioned in almost all the Tantric texts dealing with initiations and, in many cases, the scriptures prescribe tests and tasks to verify the adept's aptitude. Thus, for instance, Mātr . sadbhāva (pp. 33-34) enumerates the qualities of an adept (e.g., bravery, wisdom, persistence in their spiritual quest, etc.) and insists on their dedication not only to the study of Tantra but, more importantly, to their guru. 50 A TantricŚākta guru in the Vadakara region 51 described a very similar process of initiation performed in his tradition. According to the guru, in the Vadakara Tantric Community, the Bālā mantra is given as the first mantra for a worthy adept. This embodied transmission of sacred knowledge (vidyā) is therefore performed within strict social and religious norms that dictate who can be taught and entrusted with mantras. The guru refused to call his traditionŚrīvidyā, instead used the wordŚākta to indicate the importance of the traditional Keralan mode of worship ofŚrīvidyā deities. Similarly, he talked about "giving the Bālā mantra", not the dīks .ā of the Bālā mantra. "The dīks .ā comes later," he said, explaining that this term was reserved, in his tradition, for the full initiation (pūrn . a dīks .ā ). This full initiation happens, he went on to clarify, after a long period of spiritual practice whereby an adept proves to be worthy of a higher, more esoteric mantra ofŚrīvidyā, that is, the Pañcadaśī or S . od . aśi. In what follows, we share observations and field notes from an initiation ceremony conducted by the same guru near Vadakara.

Bālādīks .ā in Vadakara-Notes from a Field Research of Maciej Karasinski (March 2012)
Vadakara is a coastal town in the Kozhikode district, famous for its Hindu temples and martial arts centres, kal . ari. The initiation ceremony took place at the guru's own house, a small but graceful Keralan manor with a garden of lush bushes buzzing with cicadas. To get there, one was supposed to traverse a long, palm-fringed road from a dusty bus station. The adepts to be initiated were asked to arrive in the afternoon and bring two pieces of loin cloth (dhoti) with them. One piece was given to the guru at the time of initiation and the other should be worn by the adept after the initiation. At the time of the Bālā mantra initiation, adepts were asked to sit outside the guru's house on the steps leading to the main entrance. There, abhis . eka, the ritual sprinkling of adepts with holy water, was performed. Once the adepts were ready, the guru, wearing an expensive-looking loin cloth and a sacred thread (Malayalam pūn .ū l) across his bare chest, stepped out of the manor holding a garlanded jar. The sanctified water that was poured on the heads of the newly initiated adepts from the jar had been mixed with wine as a symbol of the fierce (raudra) Sākta path. The adepts were afterwards informed by their preceptor that their sins had been removed with this abhis . eka from a vessel that the guru had "held on his head during his meditation". 52 Next, the adepts were invited to the guru's home, where they changed into new clothes and were individually taught the new mantra (as described in Bālādīks .ā paddhati) and, subsequently, their spiritual routine. One by one, each adept was invited to sit in the room alone with his guru, who would pray and whisper the mantra into their right ear. In the room where the rite took place, the adepts could recognize the ritual paraphernalia mentioned in the Bālādīks .ā paddhati: the firepit, the vessels, and yantras. After the "giving of mantra," the guru gave the adepts an opportunity to choose their new name. However, it was an unspoken rule of the community for an adept to refuse and instead ask the guru to choose their new name. After this, all initiated members were welcomed by the senior students who, up to this time, remained in other parts of the house.
After the initiates had integrated with the senior students, the whole community attended aśrīcakra ritual performed by the guru. The disciples were asked to sit on the floor in front of a powder drawnśrīcakra. Before the commencement of the ritual, the guru introduced the lineage of masters to which he belonged and talked about his teacher, who had initiated him into the secrets of Tantra years ago. The names of the masters, he explained, were to be chanted before every mantra practice: "They have a power to bless you; without their blessings your chanting may not bring any results". The guru, sitting cross-legged near the adepts, warned everyone that the names should not be revealed to the uninitiated. As his students sitting in front of him nodded, they promised to obey the instructions, the guru placed a smallśrīcakra meru (aśrīcakra in its three-dimensional form) in the middle of a decorated ritual space. "This one"-he pointed to theśrīcakra and inched it towards the centre of the yantra drawn on the floor-"is a special one, I have received it from my beloved guru." 53 Afterwards, in the late evening, theśrīcakra ritual began and lasted until late. All through the night, long litanies of divine names were recited by the guru and his disciples. With each divine name being chanted, flower petals were thrown on theśrīcakra, the mandalic body of the goddess. Theśrīcakra lay shining among the floral garlands and filigrees of Gan . apati. The mantras, according to the Tantric philosophy, are gods' sonic forms, and by repeating them one may feel a divine presence. Sitting there with all the devotees, chanting, and listening to the chants, I felt as if, with each incantation, the material world around us was ceasing to exist and the tinyśrīcakra was the only reality. It reminded me of the words of Clooney (2010, p. 91), who once observed that goddess hymns are indeed "acts of living speech, generative of worship".
The ritual was a visionary journey through the enclosures ofśrīcakra into its central point, where the followers were supposed to meditate on the goddess Tripurā. At one point, a few pages dropped from the guru's spiral notebook that he kept open on his lap throughout the ritual. "There are some secrets here"-he gathered the scattered pages in a hurry-"and I shall recite them silently as you have all only just been initiated into the Bālā mantra". He continued, murmuring the litanies and asked the attendees to silently chant the "om" mantra. Once the ritual was over, the victuals (fish, fried chicken, wine, and parched beans) were sanctified and distributed among the devotees. Then, the adepts cleaned the ritual place, swept the colorful man . d . alas away, and got ready to call it a day. Once the guru had disappeared into the rooms upstairs, the students almost instantaneously fell asleep. Some of them, like me, lay down on the hard floor of the hall; our backpacks became pillows. Others retreated to the veranda, where they slept covered with their loincloths. Still others huddled up to the stove in the kitchen and fell asleep with their heads on each other's shoulders.
Bālādīks .ā paddhati seems to suggest that the ritual should take only one day, but, in fact, in most cases in Kerala, the initiation involves night observances and morning rites. On the morning of the second day, the newly initiated adepts woke up early and washed their bodies in cold water from the well in the garden. Later, after a simple breakfast, everyone was taught a prayer for the Bālā goddess to be recited before the mantra: raktâmbarām . candrakalâvatam . sām . samudyad-āditya-nibhām . tri-netrāmi| vidyâks . a-mālâbhayadāna-hastām . dhyāyāmi bālām arun . âm . buja-sthām|| "I meditate on goddess Bālā sitting on a crimson lotus, who has three eyes, is clad in red, effulgent as the rising sun, with a crescent moon on her forehead, who is holding a book and a rosary, showing the gestures of protection and blessings". 54 With the morning practice done, the day after the initiation is the start of a new life for the Tantric adepts in Kerala. The newly initiated adepts converse with senior adepts, who give them advice on spiritual exercises and share their own experience. As the new members of the community leave their guru's house, they make a promise to meet again and perform rites together soon. The senior adepts would, often in an emotional, older-brother kind of talk, tell the new adepts that the three syllables of the Bālā mantra would fulfill whatever wish they had. One of the advanced adepts of the Vadakara Tantric Community explained the meaning of the mantra in the following way, counting the mantric syllables on his fingers: "Aim gives you the eloquence, kl .ī m . the power to overcome obstacles and sauh . prosperity, all these [syllables] together make you more attractive". This popular interpretation again refers to what we previously said about the message of Bālāvim .ś ati and its commentaries. Moreover, as with the commentators of Bālāvim .ś ati, the contemporary practitioners point to the efficacy of the mantra that has many versions and can be pronounced in various ways.
Tantric adepts in Kerala commonly believe that a follower ofŚrīvidyā may experience misfortunes soon after initiation. These hardships of the spiritual practice are thought to cleanse sins and ultimately lead to spiritual purity. An initiated adept is therefore asked to chant mantras every day for a prolonged period and face all adversities with unshaken faith. Sometimes, a guru may ask an adept to additionally recite Lalitāsahasranāma and Bālāvim .ś ati, which are supposed to deepen their understanding of mantras and tradition. Moreover, Bālāvim .ś ati is believed to instill various images of the goddess in the mind of an adept who, after longer practice, starts to consider her a close spiritual companion rather than a deity watching them from afar. 55 In this context, the goddess is idealized as transcendent yet approachable. In this respect, it is interesting to note that the goddess in the Bālādīks .ā paddhati and Bālāvim .ś ati is invoked, inter alia, as Mātaṅginī, the divine artist and a friendly, spirited dancer. Her nature represents the dynamism of life and a world that is in a constant dance-like flux. She is therefore a "divine playmate" who accompanies the adept in their ups and downs of life. One of theŚrīvidyā adepts in Kozhikode admitted that he had a vision of Bālā in her form of Mātaṅgini during hisŚrīvidyā ritual. One afternoon he was performing theśrīcakra ritual alone in his old house situated in the vicinity of Val . ayanāt . u kāvu. Suddenly, he fell into a meditative state and lost all sense of time. The humid, ocean-flavoured air was seeping through half-opened windows. Outside, lime-green fields bordered by swaying palms and ornate temples paled in the midday sun. He remembered, remotely, the sweet smell of incense and the ghee-lamps flickering in the silence of the lazy afternoon. When he woke up, he saw a girl, approximately 13 years of age, sitting in front of him. The girl, dressed in a bright sari, was smiling cheerfully at him through the long, interlocked fingers of her henna-coloured hands. He immediately said his prayers and asked the girl who she was. "Don't you know?" she giggled. "I live here". He then slowly stood up, presented the child with sweets, and observed as she ate and then danced around the room. The man closed his eyes and uttered mantras to calm himself down. When he reopened his eyes, there was nobody in the room, but the ghee-lamps were still burning brightly. "I asked around and we found out that it was a daughter of our new neighbours. But for me it was a sign from the goddess, that's how She appears in the ordinariness of our life," he concluded his story.
One might say that the young appearance and playful nature of the goddess Bālā represents the characteristics of a new adept: they are generally enthusiastic, inexperienced, and eager to follow the spiritual teachings ofŚāktism. The Bālā mantra is therefore a symbol of new spiritual quests, a rebirth of an adept in a new community of believers. The potency of the mantra is recognized not only byŚrīvidyā adepts but by all the Tantric traditions in Kerala. The Tantric dīks .ā has a similar function to sam . skāras, the rites of passage in the Hindu way of life. In fact, in some Brahmin families in Kerala apart from the usual set of sam . skāras, young boys undergo so-calledŚākta sam . skāras, additional initiations that give them Tantric mantras such as the Bālā mantra. In many households whereśrīcakra is worshipped, the family members are initiated into the Bālā mantra, as it enables them to perform the navāvaran . a pūjā-a ritual of nine enclosures ofśrīcakra. Similarly, it is required for priests of those temples in whichśrīcakras are installed. In fact,śrīcakras are found in various family temples in Kerala that do not strictly belong to theŚākta,Śaiva or Vais . n . ava tradition, but form complex systems where various deities are invoked and honored. 56

Kal . aris, the Bālā Goddess and Warriors' Traditions
The Bālā goddess also plays an important role in other family traditions, for instance in the Meppāt . Nāyar sampradāya (tradition) of Kannur district. According to the devotees, the Meppāt . is one of the oldest Kaula Tantra sampradāya of the so-called Māntrika Nāyars. The word Nāyar is traditionally linked to the Sanskrit term nāyaka (army leader), as many Nāyars, such as Kal . ari Panikkars and Kal . ari Kurupps, were traditionally martial artists and warriors (Bayly 1984). 57 In fact, the Nāyars and Kal . ari Panikkars, in time, developed their own rituals and established temples in which they officiated and worshipped fierce goddesses. While many Panikkar families are also known as traditional astrologers, some Nāyars are adepts of mantravāda, an indigenous tradition of magic. Their temples gained religious prestige by being recognized by royal courts and soon evolved into local centres of culture.
As already mentioned, the Meppāt . s are also called Māntrika Nāyars. According to Gurukkal Nadanta Anandanatha Nair 58 , the current guru of the Meppāt . , the term "Māntrika" has been traditionally added to the names of clans known for the expertise in Tantra and can protect people against curses and black magicians. 59 Nadanta's family temple is popularly called Meppāt . Kal . ari. The name kal . ari, a term used to designate a local martial arts school of kal . arippayat t u, suggests that the temple is a place of worship for warrior gods and goddesses. According to Devarajan Nambi, a member of the Vāl . Nambi Brahmin community and a relative of P. Gopalakrishna Nambi, kal . aris have been traditionally attached to the family households of Yogi gurukkals, Nāyars, Kal . ari Panikkars of North Kerala, Kal . ari Kurupps of Central Kerala, and Ezhuttu Asans of South Kerala. Devarajan Nambi also claims that his family (Cheruvottu Vāl . Nambi) is the only modern-day Brahmin clan that owns a kal . ari. Similarly, Thurston (1909, p. 225), in his classic study on castes and tribes of Kerala, ranks Nambi Brahmins (also called Nambiyassans and Nambiyars) above Nayārs but below Nampūtiris and observes that some of them were "known to have kept gymnasia[kal . ari] and military training schools". Thurston (1909, p. 311) suggests also that the Vāl . Nambis are related to the Mūssats, but contemporary members of the families disagree with this statement. Even though the Mūssats do not have a martial arts tradition of their own, like Vāl . Nambis, they still worship demon-slaying goddesses. Similarly, the term "Vāl . " in Vāl . Nambi means sword and refers to the martial art tradition of the clan as well as the symbol of the warrior goddess worship in theŚākta temples. 60 Many rituals in kal . aris of Nāyars, Panikkars, and Vāl . Nambis focus on the pūttar a, a seven-stepped structure that can be called a form of altar of the tradition (Figure 4). 61 In many kal . aris, pūttar a is considered as a seat of the goddess and her dynamic power (Śakti) that resonates with the adepts' internal energy (kun . d . alinīśakti). The goddess, in her terrifying form, is invoked into the pūttar a where she remains united withŚiva. Their union is symbolically shown in pūttar a design: a conical, serpent-like pyramid with aŚiva liṅga on top. The symbolism can be read through Tantric philosophy: pūttar a reminds the adepts of the goal of spiritual practice, that is, recognition of the ultimate reality aś Siva-Śakti. (Karasinski 2021). In theŚākta-Tantra communities, as explained by Devarajan Nambi, the pūttar a representsśrīcakra in its meru form, and therefore the practitioners who worship it are required to undergo the initiation of the Bālā mantra. The pūttar a's apex (kumbha) is considered as the bindu, the central point ofśrīcakra, and the remaining six steps are the upper six cakras of the meru. Hence, the daily rituals in modern kal . aris (either martial arts centres or temples that grew out of the worship of fierce female deities) of maný Sākta-Tantra families are also performed by members who were initiated into the Bālā mantra, the basic mantra ofŚrīvidyā that gives one access tośrīcakra rituals. Similarly, the Meppāt . kal . ari temple houses gods and goddesses of several traditions, including Can . d . ikā and Tripurāsundarī. All these deities are visualized on the bindu, the central point ofśrīcakra. This worship of the deities united within the sphere ofśrīcakra symbolically showsŚrīvidyā as a tradition that unites Tantric cults in Kerala.
Śakti. (Karasinski 2021). In the Śākta-Tantra communities, as explained by Devarajan Nambi, the pūttaṟa represents śrīcakra in its meru form, and therefore the practitioners who worship it are required to undergo the initiation of the Bālā mantra. The pūttaṟa's apex (kumbha) is considered as the bindu, the central point of śrīcakra, and the remaining six steps are the upper six cakras of the meru. Hence, the daily rituals in modern kaḷaris (either martial arts centres or temples that grew out of the worship of fierce female deities) of many Śākta-Tantra families are also performed by members who were initiated into the Bālā mantra, the basic mantra of Śrīvidyā that gives one access to śrīcakra rituals. Similarly, the Meppāṭ kaḷari temple houses gods and goddesses of several traditions, including Caṇḍikā and Tripurāsundarī. All these deities are visualized on the bindu, the central point of śrīcakra. This worship of the deities united within the sphere of śrīcakra symbolically shows Śrīvidyā as a tradition that unites Tantric cults in Kerala.

Initiation into Bālā Sādhanā in the Meppāṭ Nāyar Clan
According to Gurukkal Nadanta, the most important act of initiation in his tradition is the Śaktipāta, a transfer of spiritual power from a guru to a disciple, concluded with Śākta abhiṣeka, an unction performed in a similar manner to that described in the Bālādīkṣāpaddhati. Here, the initiation can also be given to disciples who are not relatives of the guru. In the Meppāṭ tradition, once an adept is initiated through Śākta abhiṣeka, they become "Śākta Aham" 62 , that is, they become aware of the ultimate identity of their soul with the goddess. 63 Only then can they start the proper Bālā sādhanā (spiritual practice) and be initiated with the Bālā mantra. At this stage, Nadanta calls the ghāṭā śuddhi, a "purification of the vessel of soma". Here, the vessel stands for the human body, and soma is another name for amṛta, the nectar of immortality. 64 The purification process may differ

Initiation into Bālā Sādhanā in the Meppāt . Nāyar Clan
According to Gurukkal Nadanta, the most important act of initiation in his tradition is theŚaktipāta, a transfer of spiritual power from a guru to a disciple, concluded withŚākta abhis . eka, an unction performed in a similar manner to that described in the Bālādīks .ā paddhati. Here, the initiation can also be given to disciples who are not relatives of the guru. In the Meppāt . tradition, once an adept is initiated throughŚākta abhis . eka, they become "Śākta Aham," 62 , that is, they become aware of the ultimate identity of their soul with the goddess. 63 Only then can they start the proper Bālā sādhanā (spiritual practice) and be initiated with the Bālā mantra. At this stage, Nadanta calls the ghāt .āś uddhi, a "purification of the vessel of soma." Here, the vessel stands for the human body, and soma is another name for amr . ta, the nectar of immortality. 64 The purification process may differ from person to person, and therefore a guru needs to evaluate the initiated candidates. In fact, the adepts who stay at their guru's house after the initiation are often observed by their preceptor in the morning. Nadanta admitted: "you initiate them, and then let them sleep. The dream they have the night after the initiation will tell you if they can continue the practice or need additional help". 65 The help can be provided, for instance, in the form of purificatory rites, astrological remedies, or additional penance. Interestingly, Nadanta also claims that Bālāvim .ś ati stotra was used in the spiritual practices of Nāyars before it became popular among other communities of Kerala. Even though there is no historical evidence to confirm this claim, it shows the importance of the stotra for practitioners of various castes (e.g., Brahmins and Nāyars) and the century-old polemics and rivalries between them.
According to Nadanta, the Bālā sādhanā opens new spiritual dimensions for Tantric adepts and prepares them forŚrīvidyā initiation performed with a secret mantra of 15 syllables. From this point onwards, a Tantric disciple is on the path towards unity with the goddess. The advanced practitioner is afterwards given a 16-syllable mantra that is supposed to cause a "glow of soma" in their body. The next stages of spiritual progress are marked with subsequent initiations that bestow one with spiritual knowledge of thé Srīvidyā Kaula path. Hence, it can be said that the Bālā goddess welcomes one to the tradition and guides adepts in their spiritual quest. It can therefore be said that the threefold goddess, Tripurā, is worshipped at various stages of the adepts' spiritual quest. Bālā Tripura is the spiritual guide of the neophytes. and Tripurasundarī is the goddess of the initiated. Tripurabhairavī can be seen as another emanation of the warrior mother goddess of the Keralan holy groves (kāvu). 66

Concluding Remarks
The term Kerala Tantra designates a complex amalgamation of tradition but also implies a wide disparity and variability in ritualistic practices and beliefs. In this article, we have tried to draw attention to the complexity and modalities of the Bālā mantra encoding in the cultural matrix of Kerala. We have attempted to indicate the dynamics of textual transmission of the texts related to the Bālā goddess and the significance of this goddess in modern Kerala. The Bālā goddess of Kerala is not always the young benign deity of Srīvidyā; she appears at times as a local mother goddess or a warrior demon-slaying deity of Val . ayanāt . u kāvu. 67 Even though Bālādīks .ā paddhati was found in the library of a Brahmin family, the methods of initiation given in the text are followed by other Tantric communities of contemporary Kerala. Similarly, Bālāvim .ś ati not only functions as a hymn to be chanted during public religious observances and celebrations, but it is also considered a learning tool for the initiated. By its legendary authorship, the text is anchored in both the teachings of Kashmirian mystics and the religious traditions of Kerala. In the words of Mundoli (2010), Keralan legends tend to be "a society's soliloquies; they are self-directed articulations of its identity, its character, and its desires. Lacking specific authorships or stable texts, these public discourses express the wider changing substance of a society's mind. They are, in effect, signposts to how a society experiences its own reality". Hence, our analysis has tried to show that the legends concerning Kashmirian masters are evident in the contemporary landscapes of Kerala through Bālā-related rites and chants of various Tantric communities. Further research into these chants may reveal various ways in which local narratives have been engaged to encode religious identities.
Bālāvim .ś ati shows the importance of the Bālā mantra for the spiritual adepts of Kerala. Brahmins, Panikkars, Nayārs,Śāktas,Śaivas, and other Tantric adepts consider initiation into this mystical formula as an important step in their spiritual quest and a condition sine qua non for participation in the secret rituals of their communities. It is interesting that some Tantric gurus followŚrīvidyā and initiate disciples into the Bālā mantra but call themselvesŚāktas to indicate the Keralan version of the tradition. As we have noted in this article, the three syllables ascribed to the goddess Bālā are used in combination with other mantras and even formulas of invocation to the goddess Kālī. Therefore, it can be suggested that through the three-syllable mantra, Bālā became integrated with other deities and impacted various ritualistic and religious traditions of Kerala. In this article we have indicated the importance ofŚrīvidyā among Tantric communities and its secret gnosis, the central teaching ofŚākta Tantras of Kerala. The initiation into the Bālā mantra is widely considered as a sign of spiritual maturity in a Tantric adept. The cult of the Bālā goddess connects castes and creeds, as can be seen in the cases of the Nayārs, Panikkars, Vāl . Nambis, and Mūssats. We suggest that the traditional institution of kal . ari could be a nexus between the religiosity of the above-mentioned castes. Hence, we would like to suggest that further studies on these communities may reveal how theŚrīvidyā doctrines have infiltrated various creeds in Kerala. Unlike the most popular and authoritative Tantric treatises of Kerala (e.g., Tantrasamuccaya, Prayogamañjarī, orŚes . asamuccaya), ritual manuals (paddhatis) 68 such as Bālādīks .ā paddhati, prescribe the rites and observances that have been followed in a particular family or clan. If studied in the context of the living traditions, these texts may shed new light on Keralan religious culture and its constant, gradual transformation. Thus, in the present study, we hope to open a broader discussion regarding Keralan Hinduism and Tantra.

Acknowledgments:
We would like to express our gratitude to Gurukkal Nadanta Anandanatha Nair, Devarajan Nambi, and many Tantric practitioners from Kozhikode, Vadakara, and Kannur who helped with this research and shared with us their insightful remarks about Tantric traditions and rituals. We thank Sudheesh Panikkar for discussing with us his family tradition and showing us his collection of palm leaf manuscripts, and Nishanth V. Kunnu for kindly allowing us to use a photograph (Figure 4) of his kal . ari. We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the editors of this special issuefor their valuable comments and suggestions which helped us to improve the quality of this contribution.

Conflicts of Interest:
The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Appendix A. Bālāvim .ś ati ("The Twenty Verses on the Bālā Goddess")-A Transcript and English Translation
Verse 1 aindrasyevaśarāsanasya dadhatī madhyelalāt . am . prabhām . sauklīm . kāntim anus . n . agorivaśirasyātanvatī sarvatah . es .ā Tantric adept. The cult of the Bālā goddess connects castes and creeds, as can be seen in the cases of the Nayārs, Panikkars, Vāḷ Nambis, and Mūssats. We suggest that the traditional institution of kaḷari could be a nexus between the religiosity of the abovementioned castes. Hence, we would like to suggest that further studies on these communities may reveal how the Śrīvidyā doctrines have infiltrated various creeds in Kerala. Unlike the most popular and authoritative Tantric treatises of Kerala (e.g., Tantrasamuccaya, Prayogamañjarī, or Śeṣasamuccaya), ritual manuals (paddhatis) 68 such as Bālādīkṣāpaddhati, prescribe the rites and observances that have been followed in a particular family or clan. If studied in the context of the living traditions, these texts may shed new light on Keralan religious culture and its constant, gradual transformation. Thus, in the present study, we hope to open a broader discussion regarding Keralan Hinduism and Tantra.

Acknowledgments:
We would like to express our gratitude to Gurukkal Nadanta Anandanatha Nair, Devarajan Nambi, and many Tantric practitioners from Kozhikode, Vadakara, and Kannur who helped with this research and shared with us their insightful remarks about Tantric traditions and rituals. We thank Sudheesh Panikkar for discussing with us his family tradition and showing us his collection of palm leaf manuscripts, and Nishanth V. Kunnu for kindly allowing us to use a photograph (Figure 4) of his kaḷari. We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the editors of this special issuefor their valuable comments and suggestions which helped us to improve the quality of this contribution.

Appendix A. Bālāviṃśati ("The Twenty Verses on the Bālā Goddess")-A Transcript and English Translation
Verse 1 aindrasyeva śarāsanasya dadhatī madhyelalāṭaṃ prabhāṃ śauklīṃ kāntim anuṣṇagoriva śirasyātanvatī sarvataḥ eṣā ̍ sau tripurā hṛdi dyutirivoṣṇāṃśoḥ sadāhaḥ sthitā chidyān naḥ sahasā padais tribhir aghaṃ jyotirmayī vāṅmayī She who holds the splendour of Indra's bow on her forehead Pure, bright like cool rays of the moon wandering everywhere on (the devotee's) head Tripurā stays in (our) hearts like warm rays of Sun at the daytime tripurā hr . di dyutirivos . n .ā m .ś oh . sadāhah . sthitā chidyān nah . sahasā padais tribhir agham . jyotirmayī vāṅmayī She who holds the splendour of Indra's bow on her forehead, pure, bright like cool rays of the moon wandering everywhere on (the devotee's) head, Tripurā stays in (our) hearts like warm rays of Sun at the daytime. Let the goddess of light, the goddess of speech, cut off our sins with the powerful three syllables.
We believe that the mora in the first syllable [of your mantra] is like the tendril of a cucumber and theśakti kun . d . alinī that is always engaged in creating the universe. The people who know this will never again experience the childhood inside a mother's womb.
[Hence] the Brahmins who recite the story of sage Satyatapa at every change of the moon, in place of OM are evidently reciting "īṃ" Verse 5 yatsadyo vacasāṃ pravṛttkaraṇe dṛṣṭa prabhāvaṃ budhaiḥ tārtīyaṃ tadahaṃ namāmi manasā tavbījaminduprabhaṃ astvaurvo ̍ pi sarasvatīmanugato jāṭyāmbuvicchittaye gauḥ śabdo giri vartate suniyataṃ yogaṃ vinā siddhidaḥ The holy words revealed by the sages manifest everything instantly. Hence, [let us] pay obeisance to your third syllable that has the sight of the Moon. [Also] The word "gauḥ" (cow) that comes from the Goddess Sarasvatī even if uttered without "ga" destroys the waters of imprudence.
The holy words revealed by the sages manifest everything instantly. Hence, [let us] pay obeisance to your third syllable that has the sight of the Moon. [Also] The word "gauh . " (cow) that comes from the Goddess Sarasvatī even if uttered without "ga" destroys the waters of imprudence. O Goddess, if your flawless syllables, one by one, with consonants (aim . , klīm . , sauh . ) or without consonants in the same order (ai,ī, au) or in the reverse order (au,ī, ai), or along with the "H" (Haim . Hkl .ī m . Hsauh . ) are chanted or meditated upon, all human wishes will be fulfilled.
O Mother, how can anyone become a poet who fails to meditate on You? You are the one who shines like camphor and jasmine flowers, who gazes with beautiful eyes just like fully ripened lotus petals, who holds in her left hands a grantha (book) and makes a gesture of abhaya (fearlessness), and who with her two right hands holds a crystal garland and makes a gesture of varadā (granting wishes). Whoever, controlling their senses, sees [in meditation] the sky as if fully covered with the redness of sindūra powder, your colour, and sees the earth as if immersed in the water mixed with red dye, will attract ladies exhausted with the fire of cupid's arrows, their eyes like those of a frightened doe. Divine triads, three sacred fires, three forces, three notes of Vedic music, three worlds, three-lined gāyatrī mantra, three-lined sacred thread, the three Vedas, three castes, and all things in the world that are grouped in triads, all of these are regarded as Tripurā, as they resemble the goddess. O the wife of Bhairava, the vowels starting with "Ā", "Ī", and those sounds formed with their mutual combinations, consonants from "Ka" to "Ks . a" and combined with all vowels, the sounds starting from vowels and ending with "Ks . a", all these are the secret names of Tripurā. I bow before all these 20,000 names. Verse 20 bodhavyā nipun . am . budhaisstutiriyam . kr . tvā manastatgatam . bhāratyastripuretyananyamanaso yatrādyavr . tte sphut . am ekadvitripadakramen . a kathitastatpādasam . khyaks . araih . mantrodhāravidhirviśes . asahitah . satsampradāyānvitah .
Let the wise men know that this eulogy is for the goddess Bhāratī, who is known as Tripurā. The method of construction of her mantra, which is thoroughly traditional, is clearly given [here], for the devotees who have keen minds, [one can find the components of the mantra] in the first, second, and the third letters of the first, second, and the third lines of the first verse of this work. What is the point of deliberating whether these eulogies are erroneous or correct? Whoever has devotion for You will surely study this work. I can think about my own [initial] humbleness that I conquered and due to my devotion for you I became a man of many words.
Goddess who is a daughter of Lalitā who shines with rays of the rising sun who has four arms, three eyes is dressed in yellow and smiles sweetly who is adorned with all kinds of jewellery, surrounded by all deities, the brilliant one who embodies all siddhis (accomplishments), the one who presides over all mantras The eternal one who shines with all the knowledge who gives all fruits of blessings who embodies all love who lives in all worlds The one who gives universal sovereignty Who is the pure thought Who takes the form of truth, consciousness and bliss The great daughter ofŚiva The one who is worshipped by all gods Who embodies all worlds Who cures all the diseases Who protects against death I praise her, the one who defeats all enemies Who saves from all misfortunes The one who is really the Brahman I summon here [Bālā], the young goddess Notes 1 As noted by Sudyka (2018, p. 73) "During the British domination in the region lasting 150 years, Kerala consisted of three parts: Malabar, i.e., northern part of Kerala, which was a part of Madras Presidency, and the native states of Travancore (Mal. tiruvitāṅkōt . t . u, tiruvāṅkōt . t . u, tiruvitāṅkūr) and Cochin (Mal. kocci). In 1956 they were joined and formed a state known as Kerala (Mal. kēral . a)". 2 The present paper is the result of a joint work shared by both authors. All translations from Sanskrit and Malayalam are from the authors' unless explicitly stated otherwise. 3 Non-directive, unstructured interviews and conversations were recorded in fieldwork notes. The notes and information from research conducted in Kerala during the years 2010-2013 are supplemented with recent (2021) interviews and fieldwork from the Kozhikode and Malappuram areas. 4 Buchta (2016, p. 357) adds that the stotra poems are "both expressions of devotion and works of literature" that need more scholarly attention. The poems have been neglected not only by recent scholarship but also by Sanskrit theorists like Mammat . a (11th century), who described them as "ineffective for evoking rasa [the aesthetic experience]". 5 The main theme of the Navarātri ("The Nine Nights") festival is the triumph of the goddess over demons who represent the evil forces of the world. See, for instance, Hüsken (2018). 6 In the traditions of KashmirianŚaivism, we find a concept of a sequence (krama) of twelve and thirteen Kālīs. See (Wenta 2021) for a detailed study on the origins of the twelve Kālīs and the doctrine of the thirteen Kālīs according to Mahānayaprakāśa of Trivandrum. 7 Such legends are popular among various other communities in Kerala. For instance, representatives of a modern Panikker family of Idakkad stress the importance of Bālā worship in their tradition by reiterating the legend of Laghu Bhat . t .ā raka, the great master of Kashmirian lore who brought the tradition to Kerala. 8 Similar descriptions can be found, for instance, in a popular chant, Lal . itā Sahasranāma (v. 120): "When residing in the head she is having the brightness of the Moon, when in the forehead she is like a rainbow and when in the heart she is like the Sun". 9 According to Bhāskararāya (1690-1785), a Tantric philosopher, writer, and commentator, widely considered an authority of Srīvidyā, there are two types of bhakti: secondary and primary. The secondary type includes the worship and adoration of the embodied Brahman, practices that can be combined wherever possible, while the primary type is a particular kind of love that arises from it. The former (i.e., secondary bhakti) also has several stages that allow one to achieve an intimate state with Tripurasundarī through ritualistic practices and consequently develop the primary bhakti, i.e., love for her (Venkatkrishnan 2015, p. 230). 10 That depiction of the goddess is also found in otherŚākta texts such as a popular poem ascribed toŚaṅkarācārya, Saundaryalaharī (1937, verse 15). 11 Kaikkulangara Ramavarier (Namputiri 2016, p. 130) suggestsŚaivāgamarahasya as a possible source of this meditative verse (dhyānaśloka). 12 The Malayalam verbal rootĀrappu has a similar meaning, that is, to scream or shout loudly. 13 We can add here that goddess Lalitā has been described as sitting on five pretas (pañca-pretāsana), the corpses of Brahma, Vis . n . u, Rudra,Īśvara and Sadāśiva-five deities being the seat of the supreme goddess (Sanderson 2012(Sanderson -2014. The temple itself has a peculiar structure. Theśrīkovil (sanctum) houses the image of the main goddess (called Rurujit or Camun . d .ā ). The image faces north, andśrīkovil itself is a rectangular construction whose roof is covered with copper sheets. The temple has a granite adhis . t . hāna (basis). The namaskāra man . d . apa (a ritual pavillion on a raised platform) has four pillars and is located near the eastern entrance. The temple has been reconstructed several times and the main dīpastambhana was reinstalled in 1940. The cur r ampalaṁ (the inner courtyard) has entrances from all sides. In the eastern part of the complex is a shrine of Ks . etrapāla, The Lord of the [holy] Place. Images of Gan . apati andŚiva are installed in the north-eastern quarter (Śiva and Gan . apati face east and south, respectively). There is a stage in the western part for performances of the traditional theatrical artform known as cākyār kūttu. A large sacrificial stone (valliya ballipīt . ha) is located in front of the main entrance on the northern side. The complex is surrounded by a laterite compound wall in the shape of an elephant's hide. 16 The so-called kaula rites with offerings of meat and alcohol are performed in several temples of the sākta denomination by different communities of Brahmins and Nāyars. See also Freeman (1994). 17 The Sanskrit word Mātr . ka means both a sound and mother. Moos (1961, p. 32) also notes that the description of the goddess in her form of Mātr . ka is similar to the one found in Arun . opanis . at.

18
The tradition of the Nampūtiris is called Vaidika-Tantra, and it is a fusion of Vedic orthopraxy and elements of the Tantric way of worship. Tantrasamuccaya consists of 12 chapters dealing with temple rituals such as the installation or consecration of images. It was composed by Nārāyan . a Nampūtiri (born in 1426 C.E.), a Brahmin from a well-respected Cennas family. The text gives importance to the worship of seven main deities: Vis . n . u,Śiva,Śaṅkarnārāyan . a, Durgā, Subrahman . ya, Gan . apati andŚāstā. Therefore, it is clear that the text is a comprehensive manual that deals with ritual practices of bothŚaiva and Vais . n . ava currents. Ses . asamuccaya (15th century C.E.) was composed byŚankara, the son of Nārāyan . a the author of Tantrasamuccaya. Ten chapters (pat . ala) ofŚes . asamuccaya explain the mode of worship (pūjāviddhi) of various deities not included in Tantrasamuccaya. It is often referred to as a moreŚākta-oriented supplement to Tantrasamuccaya. However, many stanzas of theŚes . asamuccaya are quoted directly from Tantrasamuccaya (Sarma 2009, p. 336). 19