Driving Change on Twitter : A Corpus-Assisted Discourse Analysis of the Twitter Debates on the Saudi Ban on Women Driving

This paper explores how Twitter has been used in the debate on women’s right to drive in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). The overarching aim of this investigation is to explain how gender roles and the relationship between the genders are navigated in these debates. For Saudi Arabian women, social media platforms such as Twitter provide a unique space to express opinions and highlight areas of concern in a way that they are unable to in any other public sphere. The exploration of the debate on women’s right to drive in the KSA was achieved by collecting a body of tweets in Arabic addressing this topic from the last three months of 2015. Following a corpus-assisted discourse studies approach, this paper analyzes arguments by Twitter users discussing the KSA’s ban on women drivers, which may have contributed to women being granted the right to drive and also raised awareness of the restrictions imposed on women.


Introduction
When Saudi Arabian women's rights activist Manal Alsharif used Twitter and Facebook to post a video of herself driving the streets of Khobar in 2011, the world took notice.Her "women2drive" campaign astounded many in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and elicited a forceful response on social media platforms.On Twitter, the debate over women's right to drive has been fierce and Alsharif has received messages of both support and criticism from those who see her behavior as contrary to traditional religious life.However, years later, after more online campaigns, women have been granted the right to drive.Women in the KSA will be issued driver's licenses and will be able to drive starting in June 2018.The change also comes as part of the recent plan known as the Vision 2030 plan to improve the economy and lessen the nation's dependence on oil.Part of this is unlocking women's potentials and enabling them to contribute to the economy.In this study, I focus on the online efforts that have successfully brought awareness to women's issues in the KSA and may have possibly contributed to lifting the ban.Doumato (2010) and Baeshen (2017) note, no legislation enshrined the ban on women drivers in the KSA in recent years, but refusing women licenses was a practice that was widely accepted and seen as appropriate to the demands of tradition and religion.In 1991, the ban was addressed publicly when several women drove cars to protest it.Their behavior was decried as sinful since driving supposedly allows women to mix with males who are not their relatives and, therefore, constitutes a moral and social ill (AlMunajjed 1997).While the ban has not been addressed publicly since 1991, the Internet and social media have been used to increase awareness of women's rights.
The ban on women driving stems from the KSA's commitment to uphold the strict Wahhabi interpretation of Islam.AlMunajjed (1997) and Doumato (2010) argue that the KSA is unique among Islamic nations in embracing the Wahhabi doctrine and its severe interpretation of Islamic texts as an ideological basis to bring various tribes in the Arabian Peninsula together into one religious community.According to AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Fassi (2010), this strict view of Islam has resulted in legislation and norms that segregated genders in schools, placed serious limits on the mobility of women in public and at work, and left women dependent on male relatives to make crucial decisions for them.While for some Saudis the situation is discriminatory towards women, for others it is not.According to this view, as Doumato (2010, p. 425) states, "a healthy majority of Saudi citizens agree with social agenda of the ulema" (religious scholars) and view the limits placed on women "a balance between the rights and duties of men and women as prescribed by Islam and necessary to uphold honor and family values."Such views are also reflected in the dataset by those who oppose women driving.For example, some users indicated that driving is a man's responsibility (e.g., 2 of 14 erpretation of Islamic texts as an la together into one religious s strict view of Islam has resulted serious limits on the mobility of latives to make crucial decisions ards women, for others it is not.majority of Saudi citizens agree its placed on women "a balance Islam and necessary to uphold et by those who oppose women responsibility (e.g.,

‫أغلب‬ ‫الرجال‬ ‫الذين‬ ‫ي‬
Most men who teach women ards their women).Others think it ‫قيادة‬ _ ‫ٔة‬ ‫المرا‬ _ ‫لل‬ O'God stand against that women are prevented from hem since they have no voice in n's behavior is central for family s powerless and inferior to men m the Saudi Arabian Monetary men are eschewing traditional .Yamani (2000), Al-Fassi (2010), uation of women and increased e growth of the KSA's economy, tunities for women, and, most d terrorism, which have limited have granted women more legal ipation.ing mobility and travel.These tive image of the country.Given reas and women's limited access found refuge in social media tations and disadvantages.As (2015), social media can have a men to be heard in the KSA and tschler (2015), Clark (2016), and publicizing women's voices and ss their opinions and surmount and political life since it allows odern history) no comparable ing body of work exploring the st movements.The focus of this rs discursively debate and argue hieve this, the linguistic choices .16) writes, "the complex part flecting, creating, and sustaining ays in which gender roles are e promulgated effectively must tent to which an individual or a ontributions heard and attended give underrepresented groups a Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 14 Islamic nations in embracing the Wahhabi doctrine and its severe interpretation of Islamic texts as an ideological basis to bring various tribes in the Arabian Peninsula together into one religious community.According to AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Fassi (2010), this strict view of Islam has resulted in legislation and norms that segregated genders in schools, placed serious limits on the mobility of women in public and at work, and left women dependent on male relatives to make crucial decisions for them.While for some Saudis the situation is discriminatory towards women, for others it is not.
According to this view, as Doumato (2010, p. 425) states, "a healthy majority of Saudi citizens agree with social agenda of the ulema" (religious scholars) and view the limits placed on women "a balance between the rights and duties of men and women as prescribed by Islam and necessary to uphold honor and family values."Such views are also reflected in the dataset by those who oppose women driving.For example, some users indicated that driving is a man's responsibility (e.g., Most men who teach women how to drive are those who cannot assume their responsibilities as men towards their women).Others think it is a threat to social morality (e.g., O'God stand against their plans of sedition #women_driving).AlMunajjed (1997), Al-Fassi (2010), andDoumato (2010) observe that women are prevented from speaking openly about their frustrations with the limits placed on them since they have no voice in the public sphere.There are few women's organizations and women's behavior is central for family reputation.Therefore, it is typical to see Saudi women portrayed as powerless and inferior to men especially in Western mainstream media.Nevertheless, statistics from the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (2017) revealed that younger generations of Saudi women are eschewing traditional gender roles to engage with higher education and professional work.Yamani (2000), Al-Fassi (2010), and Doumato (2010) identify the factors that have improved the situation of women and increased their awareness of their social position.This specifically includes the growth of the KSA's economy, the rise in female literacy and education, the rise in work opportunities for women, and, most importantly, recent reforms to counter religious fundamentalism and terrorism, which have limited the ability of the religious establishment to define gender roles and have granted women more legal capacities, educational and employment options, and political participation.
However, women still face limitations under the law including mobility and travel.These limitations are seen by many as crucial for maintaining the conservative image of the country.Given the lack of organized efforts to improve women's situation in these areas and women's limited access to public means of communication and official discourse, women found refuge in social media through which they can raise their voices and address their limitations and disadvantages.As reported by Poynter (2010), Salter (2013), Castells (2015), and Cover (2015), social media can have a significant impact on social movements and it has allowed Saudi women to be heard in the KSA and worldwide (Al-Rasheed 2013;Doumato 2010).Khamis (2014), Rentschler (2015), Clark (2016), and Newsom and Lengel (2012) emphasize the key role Twitter plays in publicizing women's voices and movements.In particular, Twitter has empowered women to express their opinions and surmount gender-based legislation and norms that exclude them from public and political life since it allows "the exercise of agency by women where previously (at least in modern history) no comparable domain has existed" (Samin 2008, p. 207).
In line with these arguments, this study contributes to the growing body of work exploring the ways social media is employed to support and even shape feminist movements.The focus of this study is the ban on women drivers in the KSA and how Twitter users discursively debate and argue against the ban within the current formations of gender roles.To achieve this, the linguistic choices made in this debate are analyzed to elucidate, as Talbot (2010, p. 16) writes, "the complex part language plays alongside other social practices and institutions in reflecting, creating, and sustaining gender divisions in society."Beyond analyzing the multifaceted ways in which gender roles are constructed and performed in discourse, the discourse's ability to be promulgated effectively must be considered.As Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (2013) argue, "the extent to which an individual or a group…contributes to meaning depends on their ability to get their contributions heard and attended to (p. 88)."The proliferation of Twitter worldwide and its ability to give underrepresented groups a Most men who teach women how to drive are those who cannot assume their responsibilities as men towards their women).Others think it is a threat to social morality (e.g., Soc. Sci. 2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 14 Islamic nations in embracing the Wahhabi doctrine and its severe interpretation of Islamic texts as an ideological basis to bring various tribes in the Arabian Peninsula together into one religious community.According to AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Fassi (2010), this strict view of Islam has resulted in legislation and norms that segregated genders in schools, placed serious limits on the mobility of women in public and at work, and left women dependent on male relatives to make crucial decisions for them.While for some Saudis the situation is discriminatory towards women, for others it is not.
According to this view, as Doumato (2010, p. 425) states, "a healthy majority of Saudi citizens agree with social agenda of the ulema" (religious scholars) and view the limits placed on women "a balance between the rights and duties of men and women as prescribed by Islam and necessary to uphold honor and family values."Such views are also reflected in the dataset by those who oppose women driving.For example, some users indicated that driving is a man's responsibility (e.g., Most men who teach women how to drive are those who cannot assume their responsibilities as men towards their women).Others think it is a threat to social morality (e.g., O'God stand against their plans of sedition #women_driving).AlMunajjed (1997), Al-Fassi (2010), andDoumato (2010) observe that women are prevented from speaking openly about their frustrations with the limits placed on them since they have no voice in the public sphere.There are few women's organizations and women's behavior is central for family reputation.Therefore, it is typical to see Saudi women portrayed as powerless and inferior to men especially in Western mainstream media.Nevertheless, statistics from the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (2017) revealed that younger generations of Saudi women are eschewing traditional gender roles to engage with higher education and professional work.Yamani (2000), Al-Fassi (2010), and Doumato (2010) identify the factors that have improved the situation of women and increased their awareness of their social position.This specifically includes the growth of the KSA's economy, the rise in female literacy and education, the rise in work opportunities for women, and, most importantly, recent reforms to counter religious fundamentalism and terrorism, which have limited the ability of the religious establishment to define gender roles and have granted women more legal capacities, educational and employment options, and political participation.
However, women still face limitations under the law including mobility and travel.These limitations are seen by many as crucial for maintaining the conservative image of the country.Given the lack of organized efforts to improve women's situation in these areas and women's limited access to public means of communication and official discourse, women found refuge in social media through which they can raise their voices and address their limitations and disadvantages.As reported by Poynter (2010), Salter (2013), Castells (2015), and Cover (2015), social media can have a significant impact on social movements and it has allowed Saudi women to be heard in the KSA and worldwide (Al-Rasheed 2013;Doumato 2010).Khamis (2014), Rentschler (2015), Clark (2016), and Newsom and Lengel (2012) emphasize the key role Twitter plays in publicizing women's voices and movements.In particular, Twitter has empowered women to express their opinions and surmount gender-based legislation and norms that exclude them from public and political life since it allows "the exercise of agency by women where previously (at least in modern history) no comparable domain has existed" (Samin 2008, p. 207).
In line with these arguments, this study contributes to the growing body of work exploring the ways social media is employed to support and even shape feminist movements.The focus of this study is the ban on women drivers in the KSA and how Twitter users discursively debate and argue against the ban within the current formations of gender roles.To achieve this, the linguistic choices made in this debate are analyzed to elucidate, as Talbot (2010, p. 16) writes, "the complex part language plays alongside other social practices and institutions in reflecting, creating, and sustaining gender divisions in society."Beyond analyzing the multifaceted ways in which gender roles are constructed and performed in discourse, the discourse's ability to be promulgated effectively must be considered.As Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (2013) argue, "the extent to which an individual or a group…contributes to meaning depends on their ability to get their contributions heard and attended to (p. 88)."The proliferation of Twitter worldwide and its ability to give underrepresented groups a O'God stand against their plans of sedition #women_driving).
AlMunajjed (1997), Al-Fassi (2010), andDoumato (2010) observe that women are prevented from speaking openly about their frustrations with the limits placed on them since they have no voice in the public sphere.There are few women's organizations and women's behavior is central for family reputation.Therefore, it is typical to see Saudi women portrayed as powerless and inferior to men especially in Western mainstream media.Nevertheless, statistics from the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (2017) revealed that younger generations of Saudi women are eschewing traditional gender roles to engage with higher education and professional work.Yamani (2000), Al-Fassi (2010), and Doumato (2010) identify the factors that have improved the situation of women and increased their awareness of their social position.This specifically includes the growth of the KSA's economy, the rise in female literacy and education, the rise in work opportunities for women, and, most importantly, recent reforms to counter religious fundamentalism and terrorism, which have limited the ability of the religious establishment to define gender roles and have granted women more legal capacities, educational and employment options, and political participation.
However, women still face limitations under the law including mobility and travel.These limitations are seen by many as crucial for maintaining the conservative image of the country.Given the lack of organized efforts to improve women's situation in these areas and women's limited access to public means of communication and official discourse, women found refuge in social media through which they can raise their voices and address their limitations and disadvantages.As reported by Poynter (2010), Salter (2013), Castells (2015), and Cover (2015), social media can have a significant impact on social movements and it has allowed Saudi women to be heard in the KSA and worldwide (Al-Rasheed 2013; Doumato 2010).Khamis (2014), Rentschler (2015), Clark (2016), and Newsom and Lengel (2012) emphasize the key role Twitter plays in publicizing women's voices and movements.In particular, Twitter has empowered women to express their opinions and surmount gender-based legislation and norms that exclude them from public and political life since it allows "the exercise of agency by women where previously (at least in modern history) no comparable domain has existed" (Samin 2008, p. 207).
In line with these arguments, this study contributes to the growing body of work exploring the ways social media is employed to support and even shape feminist movements.The focus of this study is the ban on women drivers in the KSA and how Twitter users discursively debate and argue against the ban within the current formations of gender roles.To achieve this, the linguistic choices made in this debate are analyzed to elucidate, as Talbot (2010, p. 16) writes, "the complex part language plays alongside other social practices and institutions in reflecting, creating, and sustaining gender divisions in society."Beyond analyzing the multifaceted ways in which gender roles are constructed and performed in discourse, the discourse's ability to be promulgated effectively must be considered.As Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (2013) argue, "the extent to which an individual or a group . . .contributes to meaning depends on their ability to get their contributions heard and attended to Soc.Sci.2018, 7, 81 3 of 14 (p. 88)."The proliferation of Twitter worldwide and its ability to give underrepresented groups a public space to express their opinions have led many to conclude that Twitter is an appropriate discursive area for Saudis to explore and challenge gender roles in ways that appear impossible by using any other form of public communication (Almahmoud 2015;Alotaibi 2017;Sahly 2016).
The literature on Twitter has examined the social media platform from the perspective of the public networks and the affiliations users who are able to create posts through Twitter-for example, in the studies of Boyd (2010) and Zappavigna (2012)-and from the perspective of the platform's potential as a mechanism for social activism, which is seen in the work of Keller (2012), Konnelly (2015), and Bonilla and Rosa (2015).The present work follows the lead of this literature but emphasizes the Saudi Arabian context-specifically, gender relations in the KSA, an area of study that is continually developing (Al-Rasheed 2013).While the discourse on the ban on women drivers in the KSA forms the focus of studies by Almahmoud (2015), Sahly (2016), andAlotaibi (2017), the present work distinguishes itself from other studies by adopting a critical feminist perspective and a critical discourse studies (CDS) framework to examine how social media, discourse, and genders interact.In what follows, I start by providing a brief background on the use of Twitter in the KSA.I follow that with presenting the theoretical assumptions that inform this research and then discuss the data and methodological approaches used to perform the analysis.Lastly, the results will be presented and discussed.

Twitter in KSA
At the time of writing this study, Twitter, which is a microblogging social media platform that allows users to post 280 character-long messages, is considered one of the most popular social media websites and provides people with a powerful tool to communicate and exchange information.Twitter has been particularly popular in the KSA.Despite being monitored and censored (Noman et al. 2015), it has recently been reported that Saudis are increasingly using Twitter (Mari 2013).In both 2012 and 2013, Saudi Arabia had, proportionately, the greatest number of active users of Twitter, which is growing more rapidly than anywhere else in the world.A 2015 study showed that 5.4 million Saudi Arabians used Twitter with over 210 million tweets a month coming from them (The Social Clinic 2015).Saudis comprise 29% of active Twitter users across the Arab region and are responsible for generating more than 32% of the tweets coming from the Arab region (i.e., Middle East and North Africa) (Salem 2017).
Several different demographics in Saudi use Twitter.It has been reported that 51% of Saudi Arabian Twitter users are female and many of them are young (50% aged 18-34 and 23% aged 34-55) (The Social Clinic 2015).The Saudi Arabian government also participates on Twitter.The present monarch, King Salman, acquired a Twitter account in 2015 and became the first Saudi Arabian monarch ever to speak to his populace through social media (Jones and Omran 2015).The Saudi government has acknowledged how widespread Twitter use is in Saudi with over 90 different official bodies using Twitter to speak directly to citizens and become more transparent (Alasem 2015).Many media organizations, preachers, journalists, politicians, and commentators also use Twitter and communicate to citizens through it (Noman et al. 2015).The popularity of this form of social media has allowed women to articulate and protest their treatment, particularly the restriction of movement that arises from their being banned from driving.

Theoretical Background
In this study, I draw on post-structural theories of gender, which address the question of what gender is and how it is made meaningful in very complicated ways.Gender from a post-structural perspective is differentiated from sex where the former refers to the cultural and social norms of femininity and masculinity and the latter refers to the biological differences between males and females based on their reproductive organs (Kimmel 2013;Talbot 2010).While gender may seem to be a set of stable qualities that people acquire during their early childhood socialization, post-structural theories highlight the dynamic nature of gender and its constant enactment and reinforcement in daily interactions and social institutions such as school, family, etc. (Kimmel 2013).According to Butler (1990, p. 179), gender is a set of "stylized repetitions of acts," which are manifested mainly in discourse.That is, gender and ideas about gender are constructed mainly by the verbal and written discourses of social practices and institutions.Individuals establish their gender identity with reference to discourses that precede them and which delineate the way each sex should be.This is not to say that people are passively guided by these discourses.Rather every individual has the potential to enter into discourse or act in other ways that rejects, adapts, or modifies their gender role (Butler 1990;Kimmel 2013).
Social media due to its different affordances (e.g., anonymity, interactivity, etc.) can be seen as a place where power becomes decentralized and the supremacy of the state and dominant institutions is challenged (Fuchs 2013;Murthy 2013) and a place where women in particular have been able to raise alternative views of gender and identity.Their utilization of social media and their public engagement with women's issues have put them at the forefront of change and publicized their issues in ways that were not possible before social media.Twitter, in particular, has been utilized in online movements to raise awareness of issues such as violence and sexual harassment, which are often misrepresented in mainstream media or deemed by many as belonging to the private sphere (Clark 2016;Khamis 2014;Rentschler 2015).For example, in her study of the hashtag #whyIstayed, Clark (2016) has examined the ways in which Twitter users responded to predominant views about domestic violence.She found that through their online discussions, users were able to redefine their positions and "circulate revised normative interpretations" for the victim-blaming rhetoric that dominates mainstream media (p.800).In the Arab world, despite women's low literacy level, disadvantaged economic situation, and physical and sexual threats as well as intimidation during the Arab Spring revolutions, their use of social media was very effective in raising women's voices, educating women about their rights, and empowering them with discourses to counter negative practices against them (Khamis 2014;Newsom and Lengel 2012;Radsch and Khamis 2013).
Despite social media's potential to empower women, many have been skeptical about its effect offline.As Newsom and Lengel (2012, p. 38) argue, "agency in these online spaces is temporally situated in the sites and defined from and within the spaces themselves.This type of power is restricted to the gendered space created specifically for that type of power to operate."Nonetheless, Bayat (2007) argues that such online activities should not be overlooked.Acts of resistance by women in the Middle East usually go unnoticed since they do not fit the Western model of what constitutes a social movement.They are usually compared to Western movements that comprise leadership and organized protest, which are privileges that are not accessible to women in the Middle East, whose efforts are usually "thwarted by the repressive measures of authoritarian/patriarchal states as well as the unsympathetic attitudes of many ordinary men" (Bayat 2007, p. 160).Bayat asserts that subtle, everyday acts of resistance such as seeking education and employment are just as powerful.This form of resistance, as Bayat argues, "involves deploying the power of presence, the assertion of collective will in spite of all odds, by refusing to exit, circumventing the constraints, and discovering new spaces of freedom to make oneself heard, seen, and felt (p.161)."This view has important implications for examining how women have used social media in the KSA.Online-and against power structures and the many restrictions and laws that confine their voices to the private sphere-many Saudi women have found a space to transcend gender boundaries, present themselves publicly, and engage in an ideological struggle and discursive arguments in order to deconstruct the rules and laws that limit their lives.Exploring this movement, this study examines Twitter as a discursive space that can enable Saudi women and men to redefine their identities and counteract the dominant discourses that limit their lives.In particular, I examine the kind of discourses and arguments that Twitter users draw on to justify women's right to drive and push for equality.

Methodology
To fulfil the aim of the study, a corpus of Arabic Twitter posts or "tweets" was compiled and linguistically analyzed in order to explore the different ways in which Twitter users utilized the Soc.Sci.2018, 7, 81 5 of 14 platform to advocate for and support the right of women to drive.The data were analyzed using corpus-assisted discourse studies (CADS; Baker 2006Baker , 2010;;Partington 2008), which is a discourse analysis approach that combines CDS and corpus linguistics (CL).While CL is used as a method of textual analysis that aids in the analysis of a large number of tweets by using a computer software that "allows the texts to be rapidly searched in order to find, list, sort, and count words, phrases, and grammatical patterns" (Stubbs and Halbe 2013, p. 2).CDS is used to perform an in-depth analysis and interpretation of the corpus tool resulting by relating textual features to the sociocultural, historical, and political contexts in which the text is situated (Fairclough 1992;Reisigl and Wodak 2001;van Dijk 1993).Using a CADS approach has been proven to be highly beneficial in the analysis of data (e.g., Freake et al. 2011;Jaworska 2016), especially Twitter data (Baker and McEnery 2015).In this study, I follow Baker and McEnery (2015) useful approach for unpacking and analyzing the corpus of this study.
The corpus of this study consists of 5876 tweets posted during the months of October, November, and December 2015.The tweets were retrieved using the advanced search option on Twitter, which allows users to search Twitter's database using a specific keyword, time period, location, and more.For this study, I used the Arabic keywords i. 2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 14 al analysis that aids in the analysis of a large number of tweets by using a computer software allows the texts to be rapidly searched in order to find, list, sort, and count words, phrases, and matical patterns" (Stubbs and Halbe 2013, p. 2).CDS is used to perform an in-depth analysis interpretation of the corpus tool resulting by relating textual features to the sociocultural, rical, and political contexts in which the text is situated (Fairclough 1992, Reisigl andWodak van Dijk 1993).Using a CADS approach has been proven to be highly beneficial in the analysis ta (e.g., Freake et al. 2011, Jaworska 2016), especially Twitter data (Baker and McEnery 2015).In tudy, I follow Baker and McEnery's (2015) useful approach for unpacking and analyzing the s of this study.
The corpus of this study consists of 5876 tweets posted during the months of October, mber, and December 2015.The tweets were retrieved using the advanced search option on er, which allows users to search Twitter's database using a specific keyword, time period, ion, and more.For this study, I used the Arabic keywords ‫قيادة‬ ‫المرأة‬ (women driving) and fied the periods between October 2015 and December 2015.This time frame seems to provide formative way to capture the previous discussions since activists increase their social media ities and presence during the anniversary of the driving campaign that started in October 2011.s also long enough to capture the diverse ways in which this issue has been discussed.The ved tweets were then captured using a custom-made scraping tool that allows users to capture xtual data from a Twitter search page and save them in a plain-text file in order to easily load nalyze them in a corpus tool.The web-based corpus tool used in the study was Sketch Engine.ata were analyzed in Arabic by the researcher who is a native speaker of Arabic and familiar the Arabic language varieties used in the corpus.The examples in this paper were translated nglish by the researcher and the translation was verified by a professional translator.Before processing and analyzing the data using Sketch Engine, the corpus had to be organized.e a small number of misspellings and irregular spellings were fixed during the close textual sis, Arabic spelling variations due to the use of Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and local ctal Arabic were more prevalent in the data.According to Al-Sabbagh and Girju (2012), spelling tions in dialectal Arabic are mainly "due to [the] lack of standard conventional writing" and the netic and phonological differences between MSA and [dialectal Arabic]" (p.2884), which result her retaining the MSA spelling in writing or producing spelling that simulates speech.To ome the issue of spelling variation, I followed Harvey's (2014) suggestion to manually examine equency list and use the "find and replace" option on my word processor to unify the spelling rds.Once organized, the data was processed in the corpus tool and then analyzed following the urse-historical approach (DHA) (Reisigl andWodak 2001, 2009;Wodak et al. 2009), which is one e main approaches of CDS.The DHA involves examining three categories.These categories de the thematic contents found in the corpus, the discursive strategies utilized by the Twitter to legitimize and argue for women driving, and the linguistic means involved in the realization contents and discourse strategies (e.g., nouns, adjectives, and the use of passive voice).In the ing section, the findings will be presented based on the different thematic contents invoked by sers.Under each theme, the discursive strategies used for argumentation and their linguistic ations will be discussed.

hallenging the Religious Establishment
Islam is central to the Saudi Arabian society, so it is unsurprising that the tweets in support of en's right to drive featured a strong religious element.This supports the findings of both hmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) who also identified repeated references to the religious lishment and religion in general in the data they examined.To understand the centrality of Islam Saudi society, one needs to examine its history of state formation, which was shaped mainly e alliance between Al Saud, the monarch, and Muhammad ibn Abd Al-Wahhab who is the (women driving) and specified the periods between October 2015 and December 2015.This time frame seems to provide an informative way to capture the previous discussions since activists increase their social media activities and presence during the anniversary of the driving campaign that started in October 2011.It was also long enough to capture the diverse ways in which this issue has been discussed.The retrieved tweets were then captured using a custom-made scraping tool that allows users to capture all textual data from a Twitter search page and save them in a plain-text file in order to easily load and analyze them in a corpus tool.The web-based corpus tool used in the study was Sketch Engine.The data were analyzed in Arabic by the researcher who is a native speaker of Arabic and familiar with the Arabic language varieties used in the corpus.The examples in this paper were translated into English by the researcher and the translation was verified by a professional translator.
Before processing and analyzing the data using Sketch Engine, the corpus had to be organized.While a small number of misspellings and irregular spellings were fixed during the close textual analysis, Arabic spelling variations due to the use of Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and local dialectal Arabic were more prevalent in the data.According to Al-Sabbagh and Girju (2012), spelling variations in dialectal Arabic are mainly "due to [the] lack of standard conventional writing" and the "phonetic and phonological differences between MSA and [dialectal Arabic]" (p.2884), which result in either retaining the MSA spelling in writing or producing spelling that simulates speech.To overcome the issue of spelling variation, I followed Harvey (2014) suggestion to manually examine the frequency list and use the "find and replace" option on my word processor to unify the spelling of words.
Once organized, the data was processed in the corpus tool and then analyzed following the discourse-historical approach (DHA) (Reisigl andWodak 2001, 2009;Wodak et al. 2009), which is one of the main approaches of CDS.The DHA involves examining three categories.These categories include the thematic contents found in the corpus, the discursive strategies utilized by the Twitter users to legitimize and argue for women driving, and the linguistic means involved in the realization of the contents and discourse strategies (e.g., nouns, adjectives, and the use of passive voice).In the following section, the findings will be presented based on the different thematic contents invoked by the users.Under each theme, the discursive strategies used for argumentation and their linguistic realizations will be discussed.

Challenging the Religious Establishment
Islam is central to the Saudi Arabian society, so it is unsurprising that the tweets in support of women's right to drive featured a strong religious element.This supports the findings of both Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) who also identified repeated references to the religious establishment and religion in general in the data they examined.To understand the centrality of Islam in the Saudi society, one needs to examine its history of state formation, which was shaped mainly by the alliance between Al Saud, the monarch, and Muhammad ibn Abd Al-Wahhab who is the leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations and returning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The alliance succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of the country's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity and modesty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim community.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, supported, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict teachings, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women driving.These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).Therefore, the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have contributed to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.
Therefore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these religious interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations and returning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The alliance succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of the country's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity and modesty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim community.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, supported, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict teachings, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women driving.These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).Therefore, the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have contributed to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.Therefore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these religious interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of these words revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their position was the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several well-known clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.
In contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious establishment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as an all-powerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this discussion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any thought given to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in scholarly work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations labeled scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various referential, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious scholars and their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious scholars.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the name of religion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative representation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the name of religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power structure that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a means of resistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight the fault lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress reflects the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and discriminatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts will have consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms that religious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social practices and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a desire to embrace an anti-Islamic or secular incarnation of authority but instead argue that the right Sheikh, Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations and returning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The alliance succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of the country's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity and modesty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim community.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, supported, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict teachings, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women driving.These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).Therefore, the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have contributed to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.Therefore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these religious interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of these words revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their position was the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several well-known clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.
In contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious establishment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as an all-powerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this discussion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any thought given to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in scholarly work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations labeled scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various referential, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious scholars and their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious scholars.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the name of religion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative representation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the name of religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power structure that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a means of resistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight the fault lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress reflects the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and discriminatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts will have consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms that religious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social practices and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a desire to embrace an anti-Islamic or secular incarnation of authority but instead argue that the right forbidden, Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations and returning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The alliance succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of the country's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity and modesty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim community.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, supported, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict teachings, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women driving.These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).
Therefore, the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have contributed to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.Therefore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these religious interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of these words revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their position was the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several well-known clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.
In contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious establishment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as an all-powerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this discussion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any thought given to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in scholarly work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations labeled scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various referential, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious scholars and their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious scholars.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the name of religion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative representation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the name of religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power structure that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a means of resistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight the fault lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress reflects the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and discriminatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts will have consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms that religious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social practices and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a religion and Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations and returning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The alliance succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of the country's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity and modesty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim community.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, supported, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict teachings, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women driving.These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).
Therefore, the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have contributed to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.Therefore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these religious interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of these words revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their position was the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several well-known clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.
In contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious establishment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as an all-powerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this discussion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any thought given to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in scholarly work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations labeled scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various referential, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious scholars and their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious scholars.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the name of religion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative representation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the name of religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power structure that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a means of resistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight the fault lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress reflects the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and discriminatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts will have consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms that religious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social practices and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of these words revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their position was the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were mostly found around the word 6 of 14 hich advocates for purifying Islam from innovations t's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The ideological support, which was represented in the and the political forces needed to form the state religious establishment gained control over many of nd education systems and enforced social conformity the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim s, behavior, and practices is considered important in 13).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, y and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women ent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).ong with their political and institutional support have n and limited their practices.en requires an examination and questioning of these s mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ orbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of ted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their hat approve of women drivers.These references were hich was found to collocate with the names of several d of and supported women driving.thority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious sition and legitimacy of the religious establishment as d, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this ligious institutions were being criticized without any ing public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in igious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations t.This was overtly evident in the use of various tegies that aimed at negatively representing religious rds ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be hants of religion, hich were all used to criticize the power of religious implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the action was deleted in order to attribute negative texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral ized and criticized were the actions committed in the as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ han just a way to criticize the ideology and power ts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a trols most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight emning the use of religion to dominate and suppress ic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and s of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mirf the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts nderstanding of religious scholarship since it affirms ews and perceptions of some Muslims and are social nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).
Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several well-known clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.
In contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious establishment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as an all-powerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this discussion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any thought given to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in scholarly work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations labeled scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various referential, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious scholars and their views.For example, the words , 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations ning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The ucceeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the s vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state jed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of y's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity sty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim ty.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in ng the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, , and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women hese laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997)., the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have d to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.efore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these nterpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ ‫ح‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of ds revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their as the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were nd around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several n clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.ntrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious ent altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as werful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this , tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any iven to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations holars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various l, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious nd their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, dantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious he religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the eligion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative tion to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral udi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ tanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a esistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight ines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress e discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and atory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-(2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms ous interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).
, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide needs.rtantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a religious men or clerics was found to be associated with words such as , x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations g to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The ceeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the ision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of s institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity y.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict hich results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women se laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).e strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.re, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these rpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were d around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.ast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious t altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as rful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this ension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any en to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in ork were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations lars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various redication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be ith words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, tic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious e religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the gion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative n to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral i identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the eligion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ ding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.proach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power t limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a istance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight s in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and ry practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts nsequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms s interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social d norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide eds.ntly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a merchants of religion, , x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 e Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations ng to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The ceeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of 's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity y.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict hich results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women ese laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).e strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.re, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these erpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their s the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were d around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.rast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious nt altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as rful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any en to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in ork were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations olars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various redication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be ith words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ntic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious e religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the gion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative on to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral i identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the eligion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ ding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.proach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power at limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a istance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight es in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and ry practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts nsequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms s interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social d norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide eeds.antly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a corruptors, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 e Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations ing to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The cceeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state d 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of 's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity ty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim .Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women ese laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997). he strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.ore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these terpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of s revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their s the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were d around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.rast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious nt altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as erful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any en to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in ork were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations olars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious d their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ntic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious e religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the igion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative ion to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral di identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ nding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.pproach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power at limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a sistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight es in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and ory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts nsequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms us interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social d norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).t enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide eeds.tantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a radical, Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, and returning to the practices of the Prop alliance succeeded in mainly providing th Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim communit (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, t the country's institutions including the lega and modesty.Women are regarded as one community.Therefore, control over their dr maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed supported, and socially reproduced lawf teachings, which results in laws such as s driving.These laws were enforced to pr Therefore, the strict religious interpretations contributed to the confinement of Saudi wom Therefore, changing the situation of wo religious interpretations and practices.This w Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫حريم‬ these words revealed that one approach ad position was the use of intertextual reference mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh,

well-known clerics who have publicly appro
In contrast with this appeal to religious a establishment altogether by questioning the an all-powerful, all-knowing institutiondiscussion, tension arose from the fact that thought given to the role of religion in mo scholarly work were used to undermine labeled scholars as separatists and extrem referential, predication, and delegitimizing s scholars and their views.For example, the w associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ me ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority scholars.The religious establishment was al name of religion in which the agent of th representation to those who interpret religiou part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emph name of religion, which were describe misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more structure that limits the lives and even thou means of resistance against such power that c the fault lines in religious scholarship by co reflects the discourse adopted by many Isla discriminatory practices in the interpretat Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposure will have consequences for the philosophica that religious interpretations consist of the " practices and norms that are neither sacre Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off tradi with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favo desire to embrace an anti-Islamic or secular pedantic and Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement and returning to the practices of the Pro alliance succeeded in mainly providing t Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim communi (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the country's institutions including the lega and modesty.Women are regarded as one community.Therefore, control over their d maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed supported, and socially reproduced law teachings, which results in laws such as s driving.These laws were enforced to pr Therefore, the strict religious interpretations contributed to the confinement of Saudi wo Therefore, changing the situation of w religious interpretations and practices.This Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫حريم‬ these words revealed that one approach a position was the use of intertextual referenc mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh well-known clerics who have publicly appr In contrast with this appeal to religious establishment altogether by questioning the an all-powerful, all-knowing institutiondiscussion, tension arose from the fact that thought given to the role of religion in m scholarly work were used to undermine labeled scholars as separatists and extrem referential, predication, and delegitimizing scholars and their views.For example, the associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ m ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authorit scholars.The religious establishment was a name of religion in which the agent of t representation to those who interpret religio part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emph name of religion, which were describ misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying This approach utilized tweets as mor structure that limits the lives and even tho means of resistance against such power that the fault lines in religious scholarship by co reflects the discourse adopted by many Is discriminatory practices in the interpreta Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposur will have consequences for the philosophic that religious interpretations consist of the practices and norms that are neither sacr Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off trad with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favo desire to embrace an anti-Islamic or secular oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious scholars.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words 018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14 f the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations urning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, which was represented in the i's vision of a Muslim community, and the political forces needed to form the state ajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of ntry's institutions including the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity desty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim nity.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in ning the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, ted, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict gs, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women .These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).re, the strict religious interpretations along with their political and institutional support have ted to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their practices.erefore, changing the situation of women requires an examination and questioning of these s interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of ords revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their was the use of intertextual references that approve of women drivers.These references were found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several own clerics who have publicly approved of and supported women driving.contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious hment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as owerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this ion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any t given to the role of religion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in ly work were used to undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various ial, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious s and their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be ed with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious s.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the f religion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative ntation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the of religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ rstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.is approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power e that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a f resistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight t lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and inatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Miri's (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts e consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms igious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social s and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).re, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide eir needs.portantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a in the name of religion in which the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative representation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the name of religion, which were described as 6 of 14 ) movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations of the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The providing the ideological support, which was represented in the community, and the political forces needed to form the state heir vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of ing the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity rded as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim over their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, duced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict s such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women orced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).terpretations along with their political and institutional support have of Saudi women and limited their practices.tuation of women requires an examination and questioning of these ctices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ ion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of approach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their ual references that approve of women drivers.These references were ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several blicly approved of and supported women driving.to religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious stioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as institution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this the fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any ligion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in undermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various egitimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious ample, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, sive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious ment was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the agent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative rpret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral eeters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the re described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ misapplying.eets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power d even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight arship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mirthe exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms nsist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social either sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide sted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a impositions, 6 of 14 movement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations f the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The roviding the ideological support, which was represented in the community, and the political forces needed to form the state eir vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of ng the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity ed as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim ver their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in l-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, uced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict such as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women rced to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).rpretations along with their political and institutional support have f Saudi women and limited their practices.ation of women requires an examination and questioning of these tices.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ n and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of pproach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their al references that approve of women drivers.These references were ‫الشي‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several licly approved of and supported women driving.o religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious tioning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as stitution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this e fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any gion in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in ndermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations and extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various itimizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious mple, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be ‫تجار‬ ‫الدي‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, ive authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious ent was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the gent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative pret religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral eters emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the e described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ isapplying.ets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a ower that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight rship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress y many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mire exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts hilosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms sist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social ither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).ast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide ted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a accusations, 6 of 14 ovement, which advocates for purifying Islam from innovations the Prophet's companions (Salaf Al-Saleh) (Niblock 2004).The viding the ideological support, which was represented in the ommunity, and the political forces needed to form the state r vision, the religious establishment gained control over many of the legal and education systems and enforced social conformity d as one of the key instruments for the creation of the Muslim r their dress, behavior, and practices is considered important in Rasheed 2013).Their rights and practices are mainly defined, ced lawfully and socially, according to the Wahhabi's strict uch as sex segregation, guardianship, and the ban on women ed to prevent immorality and corruption (AlMunajjed 1997).retations along with their political and institutional support have audi women and limited their practices.tion of women requires an examination and questioning of these ces.This was mostly evident in the corpus around the words ‫الشيخ‬ and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of collocates and concordances of roach adopted by the pro-driving campaign to legitimize their references that approve of women drivers.These references were ‫ال‬ Sheikh, which was found to collocate with the names of several icly approved of and supported women driving.religious authority, some eschewed the dominance of the religious ning the position and legitimacy of the religious establishment as titution-and, therefore, its relevance in the debate.In this fact that religious institutions were being criticized without any on in molding public life.Inconsistencies and contradictions in dermine religious scholarship and far-reaching generalizations d extremist.This was overtly evident in the use of various timizing strategies that aimed at negatively representing religious ple, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religious men or clerics was found to be ‫تجار‬ ‫ال‬ merchants of religion, ‫رعاة‬ ‫الفساد‬ corruptors, ‫المتشددين‬ radical, e authority, which were all used to criticize the power of religious nt was also implicitly referenced using the words ‫باسم‬ ‫الدين‬ in the ent of the action was deleted in order to attribute negative et religious texts rather than the religion itself, which is an integral ers emphasized and criticized were the actions committed in the described as ‫فرض‬ impositions, ‫اتھامات‬ accusations, ‫أساؤ‬ ‫فھم‬ sapplying.s as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a wer that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight hip by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and terpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mirexposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts losophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms st of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social her sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).t off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide d in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a misunderstanding, and Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW leader of the Wahhabi (or Salafi) movement, which advocates for pu and returning to the practices of the Prophet's companions (Sala alliance succeeded in mainly providing the ideological support, Wahhabi's vision of a Muslim community, and the political for (AlMunajjed 1997).To expand their vision, the religious establishme the country's institutions including the legal and education systems and modesty.Women are regarded as one of the key instruments community.Therefore, control over their dress, behavior, and pract maintaining the social order (Al-Rasheed 2013).Their rights and supported, and socially reproduced lawfully and socially, acco teachings, which results in laws such as sex segregation, guardia driving.These laws were enforced to prevent immorality and Therefore, the strict religious interpretations along with their politica contributed to the confinement of Saudi women and limited their pr Therefore, changing the situation of women requires an examin religious interpretations and practices.This was mostly evident in the Sheikh, ‫حرام‬ forbidden, ‫الدين‬ religion and ‫تحريم‬ forbid.The analysis of these words revealed that one approach adopted by the pro-drivin position was the use of intertextual references that approve of women mostly found around the word ‫الشيخ‬ Sheikh, which was found to coll well-known clerics who have publicly approved of and supported w In contrast with this appeal to religious authority, some eschewe establishment altogether by questioning the position and legitimacy an all-powerful, all-knowing institution-and, therefore, its rele discussion, tension arose from the fact that religious institutions we thought given to the role of religion in molding public life.Incons scholarly work were used to undermine religious scholarship an labeled scholars as separatists and extremist.This was overtly referential, predication, and delegitimizing strategies that aimed at n scholars and their views.For example, the words ‫رجال‬ ‫الدين‬ religiou associated with words such as ‫تجار‬ ‫الدين‬ merchants of religion, ‫الفساد‬ ‫المتحذلق‬ pedantic and ‫سلطة‬ oppressive authority, which were all used to scholars.The religious establishment was also implicitly referenced name of religion in which the agent of the action was deleted representation to those who interpret religious texts rather than the re part of Saudi identity.What tweeters emphasized and criticized we name of religion, which were described as ‫فرض‬ impositions misunderstanding, and ‫أساؤ‬ ‫تطبيق‬ misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to cri structure that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the K means of resistance against such power that controls most aspects of t the fault lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of reli reflects the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which se discriminatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts Hosseini's (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in th will have consequences for the philosophical understanding of relig that religious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions practices and norms that are neither sacred nor immutable but h Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs an with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to dr desire to embrace an anti-Islamic or secular incarnation of authority misapplying.This approach utilized tweets as more than just a way to criticize the ideology and power structure that limits the lives and even thoughts of women in the KSA.The approach was rather a means of resistance against such power that controls most aspects of their lives.The effort to highlight the fault lines in religious scholarship by condemning the use of religion to dominate and suppress reflects the discourse adopted by many Islamic feminists, which seeks to expose inequalities and discriminatory practices in the interpretations of religious texts (Mir-Hosseini 2006).It is Mir-Hosseini (2006) assertion that the exposure of the inequalities in the interpretations of sacred texts will have consequences for the philosophical understanding of religious scholarship since it affirms that religious interpretations consist of the "views and perceptions of some Muslims and are social practices and norms that are Soc.Sci.2018, 7, 81 7 of 14 neither sacred nor immutable but human and changing" (p.644).Therefore, it enables Muslims to cast off traditional religious beliefs and find new beliefs that coincide with their needs.
Importantly, the tweets posted in favor of women's right to drive in the KSA do not reveal a desire to embrace an anti-Islamic or secular incarnation of authority but instead argue that the right of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Translation into English Examples in Arabic
Women driving is not religiously forbidden.It is okay to drive and do my errands.
Soc. Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14 of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Victimization of Women
Those arguing for the right of women to drive often refer to the victimization of women.In this context, the hardships experienced by women including those caused by the ban on women drivers are discussed in a less adversarial and contentious way, which is moving toward humanitarian considerations and away from any desire to antagonize.This theme was most evident in tweets that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers A misrepresentation of the Islamic faith, as if religion prohibits women's freedom of mobility.
of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Victimization of Women
Those arguing for the right of women to drive often refer to the victimization of women.In this context, the hardships experienced by women including those caused by the ban on women drivers are discussed in a less adversarial and contentious way, which is moving toward humanitarian considerations and away from any desire to antagonize.This theme was most evident in tweets that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers It is a right that religion does not prevent her from exercising, but there are public opinions on a secular law that is negotiable.
Soc. Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14 of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Victimization of Women
Those arguing for the right of women to drive often refer to the victimization of women.In this context, the hardships experienced by women including those caused by the ban on women drivers are discussed in a less adversarial and contentious way, which is moving toward humanitarian considerations and away from any desire to antagonize.This theme was most evident in tweets that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers The right of mobility and freedom to drive should be enforced.It is a distortion to the country and citizens and attaching it to religion is a distortion of religion.
Soc. Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14 of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Victimization of Women
Those arguing for the right of women to drive often refer to the victimization of women.In this context, the hardships experienced by women including those caused by the ban on women drivers are discussed in a less adversarial and contentious way, which is moving toward humanitarian considerations and away from any desire to antagonize.This theme was most evident in tweets that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers It is the law of the jungle which has nothing to do with religion.
Soc. Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14 of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Victimization of Women
Those arguing for the right of women to drive often refer to the victimization of women.In this context, the hardships experienced by women including those caused by the ban on women drivers are discussed in a less adversarial and contentious way, which is moving toward humanitarian considerations and away from any desire to antagonize.This theme was most evident in tweets that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers What provokes me the most is associating the right to drive for women with religion.
Soc. Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14 of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.

Victimization of Women
Those arguing for the right of women to drive often refer to the victimization of women.In this context, the hardships experienced by women including those caused by the ban on women drivers are discussed in a less adversarial and contentious way, which is moving toward humanitarian considerations and away from any desire to antagonize.This theme was most evident in tweets that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers It is her right as other women around the world and there is nothing in the Qura'an or Sunnah prohibiting Saudi women from driving.
Soc. Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14 of women to drive can be found within the framework of Islam itself (see Table 1).One may infer from this that most Saudi people continue to "perceive Islam as the stable unchallenged base of their identity and the guideline for everyday life" (Yamani 2000, p. 134).It can also be reflective of an Islamic feminist perspective that does not seek complete democratization but consider women's rights within Islamic teachings which, as Tschirhart (2014) argues, allows Muslim women to "simultaneously affirm their religion and combat oppressions" (para.12).It is important to note, as Gavrielides (2008), Shotwell (2016), and Johnston and Johnston (2017) do, that social movements can find it difficult to extricate themselves from the power structures they are challenging.This does not suggest that a movement has failed but highlights the need for activists and scholars to carefully reflect on their role and place in the systems they are criticizing and seeking to overthrow.Given this, Almahmoud (2015) and Sahly (2016) argue that the expression of a diversity of views is indicative of the public's desire to interact with and challenge authoritative pronouncements of religious scholars.Tweets in favor of the right of women to drive scrutinize the discriminatory views of the Islamic religious establishment and offer counterarguments that do not necessarily destabilize the Islamic religion that is central to their beliefs.Therefore, the counterarguments become more appealing and acceptable to Saudi society.
Table 1.Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.
that mentioned the word "driver."In these tweets, users posted their experiences with hired drivers including the harassment they had received from drivers and the economic burden of having to hire a driver.Several discursive strategies were used to present a negative picture of hired drivers including the use of the words Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving #women_driving; the Saudi society deprives women of their rights under the pretext that it protects them while the society stands against #harassment_law and against #women_driving #it is an inverted_society.
Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's reckless and Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving #women_driving; the Saudi society deprives women of their rights under the pretext that it protects them while the society stands against #harassment_law and against #women_driving #it is an inverted_society.
Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of Soc. Sci. 2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving #women_driving; the Saudi society deprives women of their rights under the pretext that it protects them while the society stands against #harassment_law and against #women_driving #it is an inverted_society.
Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's divorced women co-occurring with words such as Soc. Sci. 2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's denied, Soc. Sci. 2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 14 including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's including the use of the words ‫متھور‬ reckless and ‫مجرم‬ criminal, which undermines the commonly held patriarchal belief that the ban makes women safer and protects their modesty.
The theme of victimization was also evident around the words ‫حق‬ right, ‫حقوق‬ rights, and ‫حقوقھا‬ her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.

Translation into English Examples in Arabic
The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's Deprivation of rights of divorced women impacts the upbringing of a generation of lost young people who are desperate and depressed and who will be affected.
her rights, which refers to driving as a right of women (see Table 2).In the pro-driving tweets, there was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's Generations will remember what you did to obtain women's usurped rights in the name of religion and tradition.
was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.#women_driving; the Saudi society deprives women of their rights under the pretext that it protects them while the society stands against #harassment_law and against #women_driving #it is an inverted_society.In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's #women_driving; the Saudi society deprives women of their rights under the pretext that it protects them while the society stands against #harassment_law and against #women_driving #it is an inverted_society.
was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading . . .!! As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.
was a tendency to refer to other rights of women beyond the driving ban.For example, the rights of ‫ارامل‬ widows and ‫المطلقات‬ divorced women co-occurring with words such as ‫مصادرة‬ denied, ‫انتھاك‬ violated, and ‫ھضم،‬ ‫يھضم‬ usurped in order to highlight the general struggle of women and their disadvantaged position.These tweets ascribed responsibility for the disadvantaged position of women differently in their tweets.Nonetheless, the responsibility for the oppression and marginalization of women is laid at the feet of society, the religious establishment, and men.The different sources of oppression identified shows an increased awareness of the various social actors and forces that exert influence on the lives of women.
It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.

Translation into English
Examples in Arabic The fundamentalists lead the violation of women's rights by considering them Daesh sleeping cells.That is how we fight them with the words that expose them #women_driving Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's It has been reported that women in the KSA do not often officially report harassment because of the lack of clear harassment legislation and women's feelings of shame and concerns about reputation (Awdnews 2017).The anonymity of Twitter, however, offers women and men a safe space to discuss taboo subjects and overcome socially imposed barriers and laws including gender segregation.In the KSA, public discussion of the victimization of women and the experiences of women can counteract the prevailing discourse, which limits women's issues to private spaces.As Arebi (1994) observes, the relegation of women's issues to the private rather than the public sphere is, in fact, inconsistent with the public presentation of women as a symbol of the KSA's dedication to tradition and religion.As AlMunajjed (1997) and Al-Rasheed (2013) argue, the work, education, mobility, and even dressing habits of women have long been subjects of public discussion since these elements signpost the KSA's religious commitment and dedication to a traditional lifestyle.However, AlMunajjed (1997) states that abuse and oppression of women are rarely discussed in the public sphere particularly in conventional media and are considered private issues such as issues to be dealt within families since they are so closely entwined with concepts of honor and shame.In bringing what is normally hidden into the public sphere, the tweets by those in favor of the right of women to drive emphasize the condition of women as disadvantaged rather than passive.As Talbot (2010) notes, second-wave feminists assert the political nature of every aspect of women's lives.Similar to this movement, the tweets focus on the collective agents not individuals of women's subjugation in social structures to increase awareness and bring change.That is, in adopting Twitter as a platform for their discourse, tweeters supportive of women drivers have created a public space in which they can question accepted and concealed standards and behaviors.While many may argue, as Maglione (2016) does, that presenting women as victims is not always empowering, this research illustrates that the presentation of the victimization of women is vital in destabilizing the prevailing discourse that claims that women are being restricted for their own protection and benefit.The concept of victimhood also reveals that people are becoming more aware of the reality of the lives of women in the KSA while simultaneously revealing the previously unexpressed desire among women for independence.

Promoting Women's Independence
Twitter users in favor of women drivers also often highlight the role of women in the social and economic development of the KSA.Some tweets claim that progress is being held back by the ban on women drivers.Le Renard (2014) observes that such arguments reflect the ambitions and actions of a government seeking to reform-in this case, one aiming for higher levels of employment among women-and so are considered socially acceptable.In addition, these tweets underline the hypocrisy of calling for women to occupy more professional roles in the KSA as Soc.Sci.2018, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 14 lives.Similar to this movement, the tweets focus on the collective agents not individuals of women's subjugation in social structures to increase awareness and bring change.That is, in adopting Twitter as a platform for their discourse, tweeters supportive of women drivers have created a public space in which they can question accepted and concealed standards and behaviors.While many may argue, as Maglione (2016) does, that presenting women as victims is not always empowering, this research illustrates that the presentation of the victimization of women is vital in destabilizing the prevailing discourse that claims that women are being restricted for their own protection and benefit.The concept of victimhood also reveals that people are becoming more aware of the reality of the lives of women in the KSA while simultaneously revealing the previously unexpressed desire among women for independence.

Promoting Women's Independence
Twitter users in favor of women drivers also often highlight the role of women in the social and economic development of the KSA.Some tweets claim that progress is being held back by the ban on women drivers.Le Renard (2014) observes that such arguments reflect the ambitions and actions of a government seeking to reform-in this case, one aiming for higher levels of employment among women-and so are considered socially acceptable.In addition, these tweets underline the hypocrisy of calling for women to occupy more professional roles in the KSA as Women in several Arab countries have also made similar efforts online (e.g., in Bahrain) and offline (e.g., in Jordan) by approaching their governments and official bodies to protest laws that discriminate against them and to enact political change (Alwadi 2014, Tobin 2014).For women's rights activities, it is vital for government discourse to reproduce the ideology of gender equality since "state policies and civil laws in any country reflect the dominant group's history, ideology, and political interests" (Lorber 2005, p. 148).
Appealing to the authority of the state also brings the pro-driving argument into the dominant discourse of the government.As previously stated, Wodak (2002) asserts that language on its own has no power.Rather, "it gains power by the use powerful people make of it" (p.10).As a result, to capture people's attention and effect any kind of change, Twitter users who support women's right to drive need their discourse to be promoted and supported by powerful social agents, which includes the state.In this way, the discourse of these tweeters can destabilize the prevailing male-dominant discourse that has prevented women from accessing their rights.

Conclusions
This study sought to examine the ways that Twitter users discursively support and argue for the right of women to drive in the KSA within the broader gendered social structure.The results of this study reveal that users in this study who supported the right of women to drive entered into a discourse on the merits of allowing women to drive and highlighted how maintaining the ban constituted prejudice and served to victimize women.They frequently referred to women's rights and emphasized the contradictions that women encounter as a symbolic segment of society who sit at the borderline of the tension between remodeling Saudi Arabia's policies in line with contemporary pressures versus upholding traditional values and patriarchal principles.Tweeters who were pro-driving also exhibited diverse levels of resistance against the institutional and social factors that play a role in controlling the power balance between men and women and influencing women's position in society.In addition to reflecting their wishes for women to be permitted to drive, these stances also called for Saudi society to be fundamentally transformed to redefine the role of women beyond that of symbolic representations of the nation's virtue.
Opinions differ about the extent to which this form of activism is successful offline especially since online users are still monitored and governed by offline regulations.However, Castells (2015) argues that viewing social movements in terms of concrete outcomes promotes a 'self-defeating perspective' and 'capitalist logic', which ignores the slow process of change and how these online negotiations can contest and re-interpret social meanings.The research findings reflect not just efforts to bring awareness to women's disadvantaged situation and promote their agency but also engagement and negotiation of the forms of authority that have long shaped the lives of Saudi women.According to Eickelman and Anderson (2003), the form of mediation created by social media between religious scholars and individuals has now enabled the public to engage in the practice of interpreting texts, which was confined to religious scholars and institutions.In addition, positioning online discourse within the socio-political context of KSA can generate significant insight into the ongoing transformation of Saudi society.Saudi Arabian society is primarily composed of youths.This demographic structure in combination with women's awareness of their rights and their efforts to secure better education and career opportunities serves to add to the implications of the online dialogue especially given the absence of alternative methods of communication by which the everyday members of society can express themselves and communicate.Therefore, while Twitter may not be considered a revolutionary tool, the constant negotiation of women's issues and power structures can bring awareness to the disadvantaged situation of women and put pressure on established forms of authority in unprecedented ways.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 1 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through Islamic discourse.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.
Real women's rights are not just driving cars.These are just examples of their usurped rights.Deprivation of rights of divorced women impacts the upbringing of a generation of lost young people who are desperate and depressed and who will be affected.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.
Real women's rights are not just driving cars.These are just examples of their usurped rights.Deprivation of rights of divorced women impacts the upbringing of a generation of lost young people who are desperate and depressed and who will be affected.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.Real women's rights are not just driving cars.These are just examples of their usurped rights.Deprivation of rights of divorced women impacts the upbringing of a generation of lost young people who are desperate and depressed and who will be affected.
Fighting women's rights is still ongoing and spreading …!!As long as she is deprived of the very basic one which is driving #women_driving.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.

Table 2 .
Examples of normalizing women driving through victimization.