Colour in medieval castle architecture in present-day Poland and Czech Republic

: Colours were ubiquitous in the medieval world, and castles were no exception. While in the eyes of most people their rich colour schemes manifested power and wealth, some could also read the more nuanced messages these colours conveyed. The main objective of this paper is to discuss the use and role of colour in the interiors of castles of medieval Bohemia and Poland. The picture is complemented by the analysis of colour decorations of defensive residences of the Teutonic Order, for which colour schemes of external facades can be addressed as well. The discussion takes into account the varying state of preservation and draws from the available written accounts. To present the most complete picture possible, we discuss royal residences, for which unfortunately limited data is available, as well as better-preserved castles of dukes and knights. We discuss the identified iconographic programmes and their chivalric, heraldic, and hagiographic motifs. Also within the scope of our discussion are late forms of floral decorations, known as “green chambers”. The numerous examples presented in the paper prove that colour was an important tool of visual social communication in castle architecture: it complemented the symbolism, and sometimes carried an independent message.


Introduction
According to an eyewitness account of the famous chronicler Janko of Czarnków, the funeral of Polish King Casimir the Great in 1370 was a highly ceremonial event. The procession included coachmen, horses, and carts covered in black cloth, and forty knights rode on horses dressed in scarlet cloth. They were followed by colourful banners and shields with the emblems of the principalities of the Kingdom of Poland. Then a knight in a golden robe, on a horse dressed in purple, followed. Next were the clergy in their gold and multicoloured garb, preceding the bier with the body of the deceased king (Żerbiłło 1996, p. 36). There is little doubt that this ceremony must have appeared to the people of those times as a colourful spectacle, fascinating them with the richness of information it carried. While probably not all observers could read this symbolism in every detail, most of the participants must have understood the functions of individual colours to accurately interpret the scenes of the funeral spectacle. The chronicler intentionally emphasised the colours accompanying the particular people and groups. The focus in this passage is precisely on the enumeration of colours, a clear signal that they were important tools of visual social communication at that time.

The colourful world of Charles IV and Wenceslas IV
The surviving medieval painted decorations in Czech royal castles make up a very modest set. Unfortunately, the state of preservation of those from the first half of the 14th century, from the time of John of Luxembourg, is generally very poor. In fact, the only evidence of decorations from this period are the paintings in the House at the Stone Bell (U kamenného zvonu) in Prague's Old Town, which of course was not a castle but served as the municipal residence of King John (Všetečková 2010, pp. 144-9) (Figure 1). The projects associated with the sons of this monarch, Charles IV and John Henry, are definitely better preserved.
Of the paintings associated with Charles IV, the oldest are probably the decorative and heraldic murals discovered at Veveří Castle (Bolina et al. 2002;Záruba 2021, p. 105), unfortunately preserved only in fragments. They adorned the walls of the castle Charles built while he was still the Margrave of Moravia (the building was not fully completed until the reign of John Henry). The former main hall was also decorated with figural representations, of which only an image of the head of Christ dated to the second quarter or around the middle of the 14th century, has survived to the present day. Charles IV was beyond any doubt an outstanding patron of the arts and an extremely broad-minded man. This was fully reflected in the spectrum of painted decoration associated with him. The most outstanding were the paintings at Prague Castle (Old Royal Palace), Karlštejn Castle, and probably also at Vyšehrad Castle. Also worth mentioning is the heraldic decoration partially preserved to this day in one of the rooms of Lauf an der Pegnitz Castle (Růžek 1988;Růžek 2006) (Figure 2). Undoubtedly, special attention should be paid to Prague's Old Royal Palace, which was thoroughly reconstructed, an ambitious project initiated by Charles IV in 1333, and completed sometime between 1340 and 1345. Unfortunately, the palace was substantially rebuilt in the late Gothic style in the following century, so in discussing the original appearance of the painted decoration all we have to rely on are a few fragments discovered by Karel Fiala in the 1920s and the very scarce written sources. The murals uncovered in the window recesses of the Great Hall were later transferred to the Prague Castle collection and thus preserved to this day. Unfortunately, they have not been publicly exhibited since 1946.
The main decorative motif of the Great Hall was an extensive series of panel paintings depicting Roman and Byzantine emperors along with inscriptions. Two inscriptions have survived, those of Leo IV and Charles III (Figures 3 and 4). The beginning of this cycle was perhaps captured by Petrus Apianus in his Inscriptiones Sacrosanctae Vetustatis of 1534, in which he mentions inscriptions concerning the rulers of four ancient empires known in the Middle Ages: Nimus, Alexander, Tola, and Romulus (Apian 1534, p. 452). They were followed by the above-mentioned emperors, and the cycle closed with Charles IV's grandfather Henry VII, as evidenced by an entry in the Universal Chronicle, which Charles IV received in 1355 from a burgher from Rimini: "emperors up to him (Henry) are painted in the royal palace at Prague Castle" [authors' translation]. There was probably also a representation of Charles IV himself, who liked to be depicted in such contexts. We do not know exactly how many paintings made up the whole cycle. Antonin Saláč gave an estimate of 120 paintings, while Petr Uličný put their number at 104 (Salač 1962, p. 306;Uličný 2018). The set described above was accompanied by decorative painting found in the great hall and also in the chapel. Their description by Dobroslava Menclová and Václav Mencl reads: "The edge of the niche and the edges of the side walls of the windows were decorated with illusionistically painted architectural profiles in brown-red, with white and red bands, which in the middle part of the lining turn into brown bands; the background of the window was black, with French lilies and palmettes alternating. The lower part was then conceived as a carpet, with a pattern of alternating brown pomegranates and cobalt blue scorpions against a purple-red background" [authors' translation] (Menclová and Mencl 1947, p. 272;Záruba 2015, p. 149). The transferred parts rediscovered in the storehouses of Prague Castle confirm the veracity of this description ( Figure  5).
Undoubtedly, the most splendid painted decorations were created at Karlštejn, in both sacral and secular areas of the castle. The murals in the chapels and on the grand staircase leading to the Chapel of the Holy Cross are relatively well preserved, while the paintings in the castle itself have survived in much worse condition. The castle was founded in 1348, and five years later we find the first mention of the painting of wall decorations, when Charles IV supposedly witnessed the miracle of the finger of St. Nicholas, and "this story was also depicted by the famous Emperor Charles in his chamber in the royal palace at Karlštejn Castle near Prague with beautiful paintings in eternal memory of the saint" [authors' translation] (Bláhová 1987, p. 457). Unfortunately, these paintings have not survived. They may have been located on the second floor, where the chamber of Emperor Charles IV is traditionally located today, or one floor beneath it, in the Great Hall, adjacent to St. Nicholas' Chapel. Incidentally, the arch of this chapel, which has been moved to the ground floor of the great tower of the Holy Cross, has preserved relics of the original painted decoration ( Figure 6). On its northern side are very modest remains of the decoration, in the form of painted fields. Slightly better-preserved paintings can be found in window scuncheons in a chamber on the second floor of the palace, adjacent to the suite of Emperor Charles IV mentioned above. In the eastern recess there is a coat of arms with the inscription 'S.P.Q.R.' surrounded by red floral ornamentation (Figure 7). In the window recess to the west are the coats of arms of Moravia and Luxembourg (the present appearance of this room results from a mid-15th century reconstruction and changes made in the 19th century).
Another series of representations adorned the neighbouring hall, where "the family of Emperor Charles was painted". This is of course the famous family tree of the Luxembourgs, to which a very rich body of literature is devoted (Neuwirth 1897;Friedl 1956;Krofta 1958;Krofta 1975;Stejskal 1976;Homolka 1997, pp. 99-108). The paintings remained there until the second half of the 16th century (1598 at the latest), when the hall was renovated and plastered anew. Fortunately, their artistic programme, and probably the range of colours as well, are known from 16th-century "copies" (although unfortunately inaccurate) created by Matouš Ornys, and from the so-called Heidelberg Manuscript.
Another family cycle, that of the Přemyslids, may have existed at Vyšehrad Castle. Václav Hájek of Libočany mentions it in his Chronicle of Bohemia from 1539. Notorious for his exaggerated accounts of Bohemian history, he dated this cycle deep into mythical times: "Prince Neklan had a very wide and high tower built on Vyšehrad, beautifully decorated with the paintings of his family starting from Přemysl, which then stood there for a long time and has since been called Neklanka" [authors' translation] (Hájek 1541, p. 51r.). This tower of Neklanka is most probably identical to a tall tower from the times of Charles IV located in the south-eastern corner of the Vyšehrad palace grounds, and which may have housed the above-mentioned cycle (Kašička and Nechvátal 1979, p. 116). Charles IV certainly attached great importance to this residence.
Even fewer examples of painted decorations have survived from the times of Wenceslas IV. No traces remain of his residences in the capital Prague, and his favourite castles of Žebrák and Nový Hrad near Kunratice have been completely ruined. Točník Castle has survived in the best condition, with partially preserved original interiors, but unfortunately no detailed research has yet been carried out on them. In the few places where plaster has been removed from the walls of the buildings, a grey-blue colour is discernible. These places have also proved that the original plasterwork has survived practically intact, which gives hope for establishing the original decoration and colour of the walls. The appearance of the secular interiors of the castles of Wenceslas IV can also be indirectly deduced from the paintings in the passage of the Old Town Bridge Tower in Prague, where we find emblems of kingfishers with wreaths and scantily dressed maidens ( Figure  8). Contemporary sources also mention the painted decoration of Prague's Hankův dům in Celetná Street, then owned by Wenceslas IV and used by his court, where "in parvo aestuario, ubi nudae lixae sunt depictae" (Tomek 1866, p. 136).
The only well-preserved decorations that we can -albeit cautiously -associate with Wenceslas IV are at Loket Castle. The paintings there were discovered on the first floor of the palace built by this king. Their lower strip shows walls topped with battlements, to which a curtain decorated with stencilled patterns is attached (Figure 9). Above the walls are a colourful garden with a flowering meadow and spreading trees in which colourful birds are perched. In the 15th century these paintings were supplemented with coats of arms and figural scenes.

Colours of royal dreams
The corpus of wall paintings of royal residences comprises a mere two small fragments known from the residence of the kings of Poland on Wawel Hill in Kraków. Both come from a tower added to the northern wing of the castle, called the Hen's Foot Tower (Kurza Noga), which was the core of the royal apartment and one of the better-preserved medieval elements of Wawel Castle. The first fragment is preserved on the western wall of a room on the ground floor. Because of its cross-ribbed vault supported on the central pillar, this room is now called the Gothic Hall or Casimir's Hall (Figure 10), in reference to King Casimir the Great, who had the vault built in the later 14th century. The aforementioned painting depicts the initials MM in Gothic minuscule, interlaced at right angles, rendered using red and ochre in a dark grey outline ( Figure 11). They are traditionally interpreted as identifying Queen Jadwiga of Anjou. She also used this in the decoration of her other foundations, symbolically referring to her life motto, which reflects her attempts to combine an active and contemplative life (Marta-Maria) or as a reference to the patroness of her native Hungary (Mater Maria) and the battle cry of the Angevins (Montjoie Sainte-Marie) (Labuda and Secomska 2004, p. 50). This provided grounds for suggesting this chamber as the location of the queen's bedroom. In this view, it formed a two-room suite along with the adjacent room decorated with the coats of arms of the Angevins and Jagiellons on the keystones of the stone vault (Mossakowski 2021, pp. 72-3). Without deciding at this point to what extent such a reconstruction of the functional programme of the Wawel residence is justified, one can emphasise the undoubtedly exceptional role of the colourful monogram, whose decorative function was, however, secondary to the symbolic.
Perhaps of greater value (mainly in terms of decoration) was the painted decoration of the room above Jadwiga's presumed bedroom, regarded as a sleeping chamber in the royal suite of her husband Władysław Jagiełło (Mossakowski 2021, pp. 73-4). The high room, closed with an ornamental palm vault supported by a single pillar, was later divided into two stories during a modern-period reconstruction of the Royal Castle at Wawel. What we know about the colours used in its decoration comes solely from a small relic found during early 20 th -century restoration works in the so-called Bird Room (Sala pod Ptakami), the former upper part of the Gothic room. A fragment of a fresco with geometric and plant motifs in pink colour tones has survived there, framed by a grey border with white plant scrolls. Unfortunately, this small fragment is not enough to determine what the non-extant parts of the decoration looked like, and we could stop at a general statement of the presence of a painted decoration of the castle hall, were it not for the intriguing source information, which prompted researchers to consider the possible character of the painted decoration of the royal bedroom.
Royal accounts from the end of the 14th century inform us about expenditures on painted works in the royal bedroom at Wawel (depingendum dormitorium d(omi)ni Regis in castro Cracoviensi) carried out by painters from Ruthenia (Ruthenis pictoribus) (Piekosiński 1896, pp. 202, 211). On this basis, it is assumed that the monarch's bedroom was decorated with murals in the Byzantine-Ruthenian style (as in the chapel of Lublin Castle) (Figure 12), which would make it part of a larger group of similar works created on the initiative of the king, who was brought up in Orthodox culture and was fond of Eastern painting (Walkowiak 2020, pp. 253-80, with older references). The fragment of the painting preserved in the chamber of the royal suite, believed to have been the said bedroom, does not reveal stylistic features characteristic of the paintings of Byzantine provenance known from Lublin and other royal foundations, although some researchers claim this is due to the chronology and composition of the decoration. The fragment from the royal bedroom is associated with the late period of the reign of Casimir the Great (post mid-14th century), at whose initiative the vaults in the residential tower and probably its decoration were created (Labuda and Secomska 2004, p. 50). This would indicate that the original decoration was retained in the upper parts of the room, while Byzantine-Ruthenian decoration was introduced only on the lower part of its walls (Mossakowski 2021, p. 73). However, an alternative interpretation posits that the royal bedroom was located in another part of the castle, no longer extant, in the vicinity of the pre-Romanesque rotunda renovated and incorporated into the walls of the residence by Casimir the Great (Walkowiak 2020). Although this hypothesis is based on an enigmatic account of the coronation rite of Polish kings, its author is inclined to believe in the homogeneous Byzantine-Ruthenian style of the paintings decorating the walls of the monarch's bedroom, and even tries to reconstruct its alleged iconographic programme in very general terms (Walkowiak 2020, pp. 258-76). However, most of the scarce archival information concerning the functional programme of the Wawel residence definitely points to the Hen's Foot Tower and the adjacent buildings as the location of the royal suite, leading us to assume that the frescos of eastern provenance were created in the above-mentioned high hall with a vault on one pillar, where they coexisted with earlier Gothic murals.
In the context of our deliberations on the meaning of colour in the architecture of medieval castles, the location of the royal bedroom decorated with Byzantine paintings within the residence and the unsolvable problem of reconstructing its iconography are not key issues. Much more important is the role of the colour decoration of one of the most important rooms in the castle and its reception by contemporaries. The frescos in King Jagiełło's bedroom must have made a deep impression, since the chronicler's account, which probably recorded the usual toponymy of the residence, consistently refers to this room as the "painted bedroom" (camera picta, cubiculum pictum), or "malowanka", and the sources from the period note the importance of colour in the decoration of the Wawel interiors only in relation to this room (Przeździecki 1877, p. 319;Przeździecki 1878, pp. 34, 553;Chmiel 1913, p. 7). Since this decoration has not survived, it is impossible to say whether the impact of the frescoes, which have been perpetuated in the name of the room, resulted from their specific style and colour range, or from their exceptional iconography. It is also possible that the royal bedroom was not the only interior of Wawel Castle whose colourful décor was preserved in the nomenclature, as the accounts of the court record a payment for tables and sideboards in albo palatio in 1461 (Chmiel 1913, p. 7). This term refers to a large room adjacent to the royal bedroom, part of the monarch's suite, used for ceremonial receptions and feasts (Mossakowski 2021, p. 74). Although it has been proposed in the subject literature to translate the term as "white palace", which would allude to the colouring of the stone walls of this part of the residence, or its plastered facades (Pianowski 2001, p. 84), another account allows us to state precisely that the name of the room originated from its light-coloured plaster interior. In 1434, secular and clerical dignitaries attending the coronation of Władysław Jagiełło's son and successor, Władysław Warneńczyk, gathered in salam albam castri Cracoviensis, confirming that the 'white' in the name referred strictly to the main room of the building and not its entirety (Mossakowski 2021, p. 74). At the same time, it is intriguing that this bright room was adjacent to the painted bedroom of the monarch. Perhaps the etymology of the distinctive names of both rooms of the royal suite, referring directly to their colours, can be derived from this contrast.

Dazzling splendour of the Grand Masters
It seems appropriate to culminate our considerations of colour in the medieval residences of rulers in the present-day territory of Poland and the Czech Republic with a discussion of the palace of the Grand Masters in the capital city of the State of the Teutonic Order, Malbork. Towards the end of the 14th century, work was completed on extending the complex which occupied the western wing of the erstwhile Malbork bailey. The seat of the Teutonic Order's superiors had become one of the most spectacular and sophisticated examples of medieval residential architecture in terms of its form and functional programme, and it can take its place alongside palaces of the popes and French kings (Herrmann 2019). It emerges from archival iconography and architectural research that the seat of the grand masters was originally plastered, in stark contrast to the brick walls of the remaining part of the castle (Mierzwiński 2016, pp. 29-30; Herrmann 2019, p. 289). Of the original painted decoration of the grand masters' palace, murals have survived in the interiors of the Grand Refectory, the grand master's chapel, and the main storey of the tower-like projection where, among other things, the grand master's suite was located. In the Grand Refectory ( Figure 13), a spacious representative hall for official ceremonies, a large scene of the Coronation of Mary features above the main entrance ( Figure 14), with the purple mantle of Christ and the blue mantle of Mary, against the background of a green curtain behind them, as the main colour accents. The slightly differently composed scene of the Coronation of Mary in the main hall of the Warmian Bishops' Castle in Lidzbark Warmiński provides an interesting regional analogy for this representation. It is worth noting a controversy in the literature regarding the chronology of the Malbork fresco, which is dated broadly between the 1330s and about 1400 (Jakubek-Raczkowska and Raczkowski 2016, pp. 46-66;Herrmann 2019, pp. 292-3).
The introduction of a monumental sacral painting with intensive contrasting colours into the secular space reflects the sacral character of the whole complex, which was after all a monastic castle, a castle of Mary, and this emphasized her patronage over the Teutonic Knights. From this religious perspective, the Order had a mission of converting pagans, which at that time took the form of armed raids on the lands of the Lithuanians, and the specific setting of these expeditions was also associated with the Grand Refectory. In this largest hall of Malbork Castle, western European guests of the Order there to support the Teutonic Knights in their crusades were received at feasts (Jóźwiak and Trupinda 2019, pp. 300-1). They admired the magnificent fresco depicting the patroness of the order and their mission of pursuing the ideal of the Christian knight. On the northern wall of the refectory they could view another painting, now preserved only fragmentarily, a multi-level composition depicting a procession of knights with banners (Herrmann 2019, pp. 292-3). This element of visual propaganda displayed the purpose of the mission, which included the guests of the Order setting out from Malbork on an armed expedition against the pagan Lithuanians in a military procession like the knights in the fresco, all under the patronage of Mary.
The paintings in the grand master's small private chapel exploited standard religious iconography on a monumental scale. The walls of the chapel featured life-size images of the apostles, of which those of Peter and Thomas have survived to this day (Herrmann 2019, pp. 298-300). However, for our considerations on the colour scheme of the secular rooms of Malbork Castle other paintings are more important. Also relatively well-preserved, they adorn the representative and private interiors on the main floor of the towerlike projection in the residence of the Grand Masters. The colourful decorations were only present on this floor, which is significant in this context. The other floors of the lofty building, intended for the apartments of the Grand Master's companions, the chancellery, and the guest rooms for the dignitaries of the Order, were only covered with light-coloured plaster devoid of paintings, which additionally emphasised the hierarchical nature of the functional programme of the residence. By contrast, the interior decoration of the main, highest storey took an elaborate, intensive colour scheme, dominated by the contrast between a strong red-orange and a dark green, now partially hidden under a whitewash applied during restoration of the palace in the 19th century. The walls of the Summer and Winter Refectories and the High Vestibule were covered with a red-orange paint layer, while the vaults were adorned with paintings, with a dominant dark green colour ( Figure  15), depicting plant scrolls in two variants: the motif of acanthus leaves predominated, but some rooms took a vine motif. The interiors of the grand master's private apartment, which were kept in a similar colour scheme, were distinguished by illusionistic green curtains on a red background ( Figure 16), hanging from a rod over the lower part of the walls (Herrmann 2019, pp. 293-305). They were probably more than decorative and referred to real tapestries hung on the walls of the living chambers to provide extra comfort to their users (original ornamental wrought-iron nails for hanging such tapestries have recently been identified in Siedlęcin, Silesia, preserved in situ and tentatively dated to the late Middle Ages). Such a composition of painted decoration in the interior of a private room finds a direct analogy, half a century earlier, in the decoration of the papal bedroom in the Tower of Angels in the Palace of Avignon (Herrmann 2019, p. 304). The Malbork decoration, mainly abstract in character, can be dated to the last years of the fourteenth century. After a few years, it was supplemented by figural elements in the form of a gallery of grand masters in the Winter Refectory and four female saints in the grand master's study (Herrmann 2019, pp. 295-305). Undoubtedly, the intense, almost garish colours of the most important interiors of the Grand Master's residence left a dazzling impression of courtly splendour on the most important guests at Malbork, who were received for audiences and feasts in the palace interiors. In this way the colours breaking the monotony of brick walls became the main theme, programming the utilitarian functions and the ideological message of the premier castle of the Teutonic Order.

Coats of arms, tournaments, and knights
Colourful decoration of chambers, especially those with representative functions, was undoubtedly a manifestation of elitism, a reflection of the capabilities and horizons of the founder. Minor noblemen and knights also decorated their interiors, often in imitation of their rulers. As shown above, it is important for further considerations that paintings from royal residences have survived in rudimentary form (except for Malbork, which is still stunning in its wealth). Therefore, to gain the fullest possible understanding of the phenomenon of colour in the architecture of medieval defensive residences, it seems necessary to turn to the decoration of those residences which were lower in the hierarchy of medieval castles.
What is likely the oldest known painted decoration in Bohemian castles was created at Strakonice Castle, which belonged to the powerful Bavor family (Bavorové z Strakonic). The then owner, Bavor III of Strakonice, had a Wheel of Fortune painted in the main residential spaces (Pavelec 1999, pp. 169-74) (Figure 17). This may have been inspired by his conflict with the newly elected Bohemian King Rudolf Habsburg, who died in 1307 during the siege of Horažďovice, a town under Bavor III (the Lord of Strakonice emerged victorious from the armed conflict). In an adjacent room, remains of a slightly younger decoration (including in the form of a curtain) have survived, dated broadly to the 14th century.
The paintings at Velké Meziříčí probably date from the first third of the 14th century (Konorová and Knorr 2016;Záruba 2021a, pp. 102-5). At that time, the castle there belonged to Jan of Meziříčí, who held high provincial offices and belonged to the elite of the Moravian knighthood. The murals are located in the palace, or more precisely in one of its smaller rooms, covered by an early Gothic vault dating back to the last third of the 13th century. Prior to the recent restoration (2015-17), it was thought that the paintings originally depicted a tournament or a battle scene from an unidentified chivalric epic. However, when fully uncovered, it became clear that the paintings depicted the legend of St Margaret, presented in two strips and accompanied by a text with the legend of this saint (based on the legend of St Aurelia by Jacobus de Voragine) ( Figure 18). The discovery of such an extensive text is unique in the context of this area. The adjacent north wall features a representation of St Christopher, while opposite the legend of St Margaret, significant fragments of a tournament scene have survived. In this scene, the better preserved of the two knights holds a shield with a coat of arms featuring a wing, the emblem of the lords of Meziříčí ( Figure 19); perhaps it is a depiction of Jan of Meziříčí himself. To the left of the tournament scene is a crucifixion scene, painted somewhat later, around the middle of the 14th century.
The paintings in the Moravian castle of Kunštát are slightly younger. At the time of their creation, the castle was owned by a member of the Moravian elite of the period, Gerhard of Kunštát (Beránek et al. 2017, pp. 401-16;Záruba 2021a, pp. 100-2). Again, the painting cycle was created in the palace building, more specifically in a vaulted chamber. The paintings originally covered all four walls, including window and door recesses (Figure 20). Today, however, the decorations are largely destroyed; only about half of the original cycle has survived. The representations are arranged in three horizontal strips with the individual scenes not clearly separated. They undoubtedly illustrated some courtly epic, perhaps scenes from Wolfram von Eschenbach's chivalric romance Parsifal, or more precisely motifs from its first two books, devoted to Parsifal's father Gahmuret. This identification is possibly indirectly supported by the representation of an anchor, a motif which played an important role in Parsifal ( Figure 21).
Undoubtedly, the most outstanding example of wall painting of this period is found in Jindřichův Hradec ( Figure 22). This is the cycle of St George, accompanied by extensive heraldic motifs (Krčálová 1956, pp. 311-21;Pešina et al. 1958, pp. 229-47;Nový 1971, pp. 179-97;Nový 2002, pp. 34-47;Lechner 2002, pp. 48-63;Dinzelbacher 2002, pp. 64-8;Gerát 2011, pp. 175-83). The preserved inscription confirms the paintings' date to 1338; the inscription also identifies Oldřich of Hradec as commissioning the paintings: "diez gemel h´(err) ulr´(ich) von den neienhausse hat haisen malen nach cristus geburt dreuzehn cdert iar im acht und dreisigiste iar" (Figure 23). As in the cases described earlier, we find these paintings in the building of an early Gothic palace, on its first floor, in a small room which was originally covered with a flat ceiling. The paintings in the cycle of St George are arranged in two horizontal strips, below which there is an additional one with heraldic decoration. It seems that the coats of arms depicted there could have represented the participants in John of Luxemburg's crusade against Lithuania in 1337 (Nový 1971, 179-97). This would also explain the choice of the legend of St George: in the Middle Ages this saint was considered, among other things, a patron of the fight against the pagans (although he was primarily perceived as the ideal of knighthood, making his story very popular among knights).
Very close to this trio of painting cycles from Bohemia are paintings from Siedlęcin in Silesia. Dendrochronological research precisely dates the construction of the mighty residential tower in this village on the banks of the River Bóbr to 1313-1315, which allows us to link its foundation to Duke Henry of Jawor (Nocuń 2016;Konieczny 2016;Nocuń 2019). The walls of the Siedlęcin Great Hall, located on the second floor of the tower, were covered with murals ( Figure 24) shortly after the completion of the construction works (although the paintings were fully completed only on the southern wall). According to the current state of knowledge, these paintings were created between ca. 1320 (Marek and Nocuń 2013, p. 119) and the 1340s (Witkowski 2001, p. 49). Therefore, they can be associated either with the activity of Henry (married to Agnes of the Přemyslids, the daughter of the Bohemian king) or that of his nephew and heir, Bolko II the Small of Świdnica (married to Agnes von Habsburg). The central part of the composition is a representation of St Christopher. With the spread of the "Golden Legend" in court circles of the late Middle Ages, St Christopher, whose devotion and fidelity to Christ made him a symbol of obedience and faithfulness, became (alongside St George and St Martin) one of the main patrons of knights. To the left of St Christopher, in the south-east corner of the Great Hall, two couples are depicted, below which figures of the dead are emerging from four tombs, originally likely as a warning against bad behaviour and its consequences. The two couples depicted above -a knight and a maiden and a knight and a married woman -are accompanied by banderoles with texts that are unfortunately now illegible.
The scenes to the right of St Christopher have been identified as the legend of one of the most famous knights of the Round Table, Lancelot du Lac (Witkowski 2001). The two strips of polychrome depict two very important episodes in the history of this knight, providing a kind of a frame spanning the beginning and the end of his knightly glory. Blue, the colour of the background, is overwhelmingly predominant here. The use of bleu royal should be read as emphasising the elitism of the decoration (cf. Pastoureau 2013 after: Adamska 2015, p. 14). The lower strip illustrates the expedition of Lancelot and Lionel, whose goal was to earn the knight's belt and experience all the adventure that involves. The first of the scenes depicts a mounted knight leading another horse. In the next scene we see Lancelot resting under a tree, over whom a second figure, identified as Lionel, is leaning. Next to him we can see a shield and a helmet (with a white dog in a jewel), set on the front part of the saddle of one of the mounts grazing nearby. Further on we notice a sword stuck in the ground. This is important because of the next scene, where we can identify it with the sword on which Lionel, sleeping on guard, rests his head. The final scene before the window recess that separates the narrative depicts the duel between Lancelot and Tarquyn ( Figure 25). It is difficult to clearly identify the last scene (on the other side of the window recess). It is highly probable that it shows Kay thanking his saviour, Lancelot, although to logically close this thread one would expect to see here instead a scene showing the homage of the newly knighted Lancelot. However, the lack of a crown on the head of the standing figure (thus not likely Arthur), and the fact that the hands of the kneeling figure are held by only one hand of the standing knight, do not allow such an interpretation. The upper strip illustrates the events that led to the downfall not only of Lancelot, but consequently of Arthur's entire kingdom: the affair between Lancelot and Queen Guinevere. It opens with a scene depicting the queen and her ladies of the court seated against the backdrop of Camelot Castle. In front of Arthur's wife stands Lancelot, surrounded by knights and squires. This is most probably the moment of the queen's invitation to a spring picnic (as clearly indicated in the next scene by the green dresses of the ladies, with the literal treatment of colour as a carrier of this information, allowing identification with a specific episode of the Arthurian legend). The final representation is that of Guinevere and Lancelot, shown as a pair of lovers, holding each other's left hands, a gesture which demonstrates the betrayal of Arthur by both the unfaithful wife and the traitorous knight. It must be asked whether, apart from the above-mentioned form (gesture), the negative overtones of the scene are not also evidenced by the arrangement and set of colours used. Lancelot wears clothes in horizontal stripes of white and brown/red. Was this to create a sense of chromatic dissonance for the viewer? According to Pastoureau (2015), this striped pattern carries a clearly negative charge. After all, a guest in the Great Hall of the princely residence in Siedlęcin was looking at a knight who had violated the sacred bond of marriage and caused the fall of Arthur's kingdom. Or perhaps this representation was never meant to fit into the earlier chromatic codes, and the viewer, after all among the elites of the period, was aware that this was merely a "new" court fashion. After all, similar attire (without negative connotations) can be found as early as in the Codex Manesse (which slightly predates the creation of the Siedlęcin polychromies), where an obliquely-striped garment is even worn by Wenceslas II, King of Bohemia (cf. Adamska 2015, p. 19). Such an interpretation would be corroborated by the fact that these paintings, touching thematically on Arthurian legends, functioned in the space of the Grand Hall of the residence of a ruler who moved among courtly elites of Europe and must have already been familiar with new trends.
The sketches visible on the plasterwork of the northern part of the western wall of the tower are generally considered to be an unfinished work by the same artist (e.g. Witkowski 2001, p. 69). They depict a clash between two armed horsemen, whom Jacek Witkowski identifies as Lancelot and Sagramour le Dessrez. The duel is observed by three mounted knights depicted below: Ywain, Gawain, and Hector. The sketch next to them is assumed to depict Lancelot healing Urry de Hongre. The room was also decorated with two window recesses with trefoil stone windows and stone sedilia (window seats). The window in the southern wall, surrounded by paintings of the Lancelot cycle, is itself decorated with polychromies as well. The walls of the recess, above the sedilia, feature saints and prophets, while the trefoil window frames are flanked by figures of the Old Testament kings Solomon and David, identifiable not only by their crowns, but also by fragmentarily preserved signatures in banderoles. The intrados of the niche features elements of urban architecture, which should probably be regarded as an image of heaven, or "heavenly Jerusalem". Among all these paintings, those in Siedlęcin stand out even today for their captivating richness and variety of details and colours, although this is probably only a shadow of their original colouring. For the audience of the period the multitude of colours used must have raised associations with the material wealth of the founder and owner of the tower, available only to the elite.
It is worth mentioning here that from a similar period (shortly before the middle of the 14th century) also come painted decorations from a house in Prague's Old Town (No. 144/I Malé náměstí) (Všetečková 2007, pp. 171-92;Všetečková 2010, pp. 126-31, 152-7) ( Figure 26). Although it is obviously not a castle, this house should be invoked here because of the similarity of the subject matter: tournament scenes (most probably from a knightly romance).
The collection of paintings preserved in the castles of Bohemian knights from the second half of the 14th century is very poor, a result of the state of preservation of the buildings of this period. Paintings from around 1400 can only be found in Divice (Záruba 2015, p. 148;Diensbier 2015, p. 384). The decorations in question are located in a residential tower, where a series of coats of arms was painted under the flat ceiling. This heraldic cycle was further supplemented by a representation of a man in a pillory, in front of whom stands a woman. This scene bears resemblance to the bordure decoration of manuscripts of Wenceslas IV.
A heraldic cycle was also discovered in 1917 at Lipnice (nad Sázavou) Castle, on the second floor of the residential tower called Samson. Unfortunately, the paintings have not survived and we know about them only from a description left by Karel Herein, who also mentions a battle scene under the coat of arms. The creation of the paintings may be cautiously associated with Čeněk of Vartenberk (died in 1425), whose coat of arms is also depicted here (Záruba 2021b).

Garden in the chamber
When it comes to the domination of one colour in decorations, there are few phenomena that can match the fame of the "green chambers". They first appear in European architecture and art in the second half of the 14th century (especially at its end), but they become popular only at the end of the Middle Ages, in the 15th and 16th centuries. The paintings commissioned by Pope Clement VI for his private rooms in the Avignon palace can be considered a harbinger of this phenomenon (Vítovský 2008, p. 60). Charles IV was certainly familiar with the rooms of the papal palace in Avignon, and a similar "green chamber" is also confirmed to have existed in the Palais de la Cité in Paris, where Charles IV and Wenceslas IV stayed on a visit to France in late 1377 and early 1378 (Šmahel 2006, p. 169). A very early "green chamber" with knightly scenes from the mid-14th century can be found in the aforementioned house No. 144/I in Prague's Old Town (Všetečková 2007, pp. 171-92;Všetečková 2010, pp. 152-7). Green predominates there, although without the parallel occurrence of floral motifs typical of "green chambers". The first "green chambers" in Central Europe began to appear before the end of the 14th century. Probably one of the oldest green rooms can be found at Forchheim Castle in Germany.  (Figure 27). They were founded by Jaroslav Lev of Rožmitál, who travelled around Western Europe in 1465-67 (Nejedlý 1993. The creation of a slightly younger "green chamber", in Žirovnice Castle, is associated with Václav Vencelík of Vrchovišť (Krása 1964, p. 293) (Figure 28). In both cases, the painted decoration included founders' coats of arms, scenes of hunting or duelling, and vedute of towns or castles. The common feature of these interiors was the combination of secular motifs with a dominant green acanthus ornamentation.
The fashion for "green chambers" also reached the south of present-day Poland, in Silesia and the Kłodzko region. Within the same time horizon as in Bohemia, several similar decorations were made, most of them non-extant. A chamber in the ducal residence in Kłodzko was decorated in this way at the end of the 15th century. Described as "extraordinary", it was covered with green paintings and featured a coat of arms. Similar motifs once decorated a chamber on the ground floor of Opole Castle, recorded at the end of the 16th century (Chorowska 2003, p. 221;Witkowski 2013, p. 16).
The best-preserved example is a very interesting, although slightly younger, decoration at the castle in Legnica. The construction of a green chamber on the top floor of the tower was commissioned in 1508-10 by Frederick II, Duke of Legnica. The walls and vaults were covered with a thicket of plant scrolls. On the splays of the window openings a cycle of "nine heroes" was painted: three triads of historical, biblical, and legendary figures of ideal knights (Gumiński 1989). The idea of creating a green chamber in Legnica should be linked to the broad horizons of the then still-young Duke Frederick, a reformer and patron of the arts. Significantly, he spent his childhood at the Prague court of Vladislaus II and was the son of Ludmila of Poděbrady. In 1507-08 he made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land (Kaczmarek-Löw 2007). The Legnica chamber may have been where meetings of the knightly Hound Collar Order (Rudenband), established as early as in 1413 by the Duke of Legnica Louis II, took place (more in: Kaczmarek 1991). If this was indeed the case, then the visual message would have been intended not only for the private reflection of Frederick II and his closest entourage, but also for the members of an elite lay order. The figures on the walls embodied the qualities of chivalry: the legendary King Arthur, the Emperor Charlemagne, the leader of the First Crusade Gotfried of Bouillon, and hero of German-language poems Dietrich of Bern (Karłowska-Kamzowa 1991, p. 71;Witkowski 2013).
Several colours were used to decorate the chamber: white, red, black and yellow, and, most importantly, the predominant malachite green, an expensive dye imported to Silesia from Central Asia. It gave the plant scrolls their characteristic deep green colour, juxtaposed with the red of the flowers and the white of the armour of the heroes. It should be remembered that the room was well-lit by four windows, according to the cardinal directions, which may have influenced the perception of the colour and satin glow of the malachite, although the pigment darkened with time. Illusionistic floral decoration created an impression of an open but secluded and shaded pavilion. It may have raised associations with hortus conclusus and invoked reflections on the virtues of a knight and a Christian. The location of the chamber in the tower was also significant, as the unreal garden found continuation in the natural landscape outside the windows (Karłowska-Kamzowa 1991, p. 71;Witkowski 2013, p. 10). As in typical Annunciation scenes, the space was intimate and demarcated, and the message was strengthened by roses, the symbol of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Greens, but bright or intense and luminous ones, were the colours most preferred in this part of Europe in the late Middle Ages, as they were regarded as embodying vitality and youth (Nadolski 1973, pp. 305-13). The choice of colours complemented the symbolism of plant motifs: bindweed (symbol of ideal love and humility), acanthus (symbol of the passion of Christ, triumph over death) and the rose (symbol of the beauty of the Virgin Mary, perfection and purity) (Kobielus 2014, pp. 24, 180, 188). Colour accents were provided by the gold and black used on the coat of arms of the Duchy of Legnica; with these colours the attention of the public was directed to the symbol of the heraldic identity of the Duke. The coat of arms corresponded with an older portrait of St Jadwiga, the guardian of the Silesian dynasty, also hanging there.

Yellow dwarfs and a blue rose
It is fitting to conclude our discussion on representations and colours in knightly residences with a broader analysis of the decoration of the first-floor chamber of the tower in Witków in Silesia. Murals have survived there in three window recesses. The first is filled with a stylized floral ornament. The second recess features St. George fighting a dragon, St. Christopher carrying Jesus, and a praying hermit (these saints also appeared in the Bohemian paintings discussed above). Depicted in the archivolt is a Crucifixion Group and the monogram IHS. In the last recess we have images of St. Peter and Paul and a representation of the tree of life with a wedding scene. A dove sits atop the tree. Above the window there is a scene of two dwarfs hunting a peacock. A third dwarf is aiming a crossbow at a dove, and another one, with a dog at his side, is pointing at the married couple. The decoration was commissioned by Nicolas von Warnsdorf, a landowner from 1446, in 1474 mentioned as the heir of the residence in Witków (Nowakowski 2017, p. 459). The paintings date to the mid-15th century, probably after 1453.
The most elaborate message is carried by the representation of the wedding, probably of von Warnsdorf and his wife (Figure 29). A lady and a knight are depicted, right hands clasped. The woman is handing him a ring, on the man's chest hangs a chain with a blue rose, and the message is completed by a fragmentarily preserved inscription: "Love me, as I love you, I want nothing more" ([Lieb mich,] als ich dich, nicht mehr [begehre] ich). It is a rhyme from a folk love song, popular in German-speaking countries from the second half of the 15th century (Merzdorf 1870, p. 38;Kopp 1902, pp. 41-2). The nuptial scene, together with the depiction of Saints Peter and Paul and the motifs of the dwarfs hunting the peacock and the dove (Figure 30), form an iconographic whole symbolising the strength of the sacrament of marriage, contracted in the presence of holy patrons, with purity of intention and faith in its permanence. The dwarfs with their grotesque faces are personifications of the devil, who leads people into temptation and lies in wait to claim their eternal souls. Next to one of them, a fragment of an inscription in a banderole has survived: ich affe ich halte (...) ich herre ich (...), which should probably be understood as their vices: I deceive, I hold, I wield. It is also worth noting the rosette with the IHS monogram, an attribute of St Bernard of Siena. Bernardine piety, with its Christological cult, was at that time gaining popularity in Central Europe. In Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland, these ideas mainly appealed to knights: a renewal of the concept of crusades, the ideal of miles Christi and the clear anti-Turkish stance of John Capistrano, founder of the Bernardine Order. It seems that it was a sermon of this charismatic monk in nearby Żagań, in January 1453, that possibly inspired von Warnsdorf to commission the Witków paintings (Kostowski 1991, pp. 42-3;Kostowski 1995, p. 126;Maciszewska 2001, pp. 62-3).
Presumably the whole chamber was covered with polychromies, and the painted recesses bear only their preserved fragments. Colours used in the interior played a very important role, as they complemented and helped to decipher the iconographic code of the complex scenes. Although the paintings are multi-coloured, blue predominates (the robes of the Blessed Virgin Mary, John the Evangelist and St Peter, the helmet of St George, the IHS rosette, the peacock, the rose on von Warnsdorf's chest). This colour was considered a symbol of sacrum and the colour of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The role of yellow, considered negative and devoid of glamour, was different. This colour, introduced into the costumes of the dwarfs, was used to signal the functions of the figures, who lay in wait to break the permanence of the sacrament. Thus, distinguishing characters by the colours of their costumes was a deliberate act. The importance of colour can be seen in the dichotomous symbolism of the dog. In the Middle Ages, the dog could represent either faithfulness or evil (as a devilish animal). In this second variant, the dog was represented in the colour black, and this is probably the best way to interpret its image in Witków (on the other hand, the crest of Lancelot's helmet in the polychromies from Siedlęcin discussed above was depicted in the form of a white dog).
The chamber served as a representative interior; here Nicolas von Warnsdorf could receive guests, and here the marriage may have taken place. The role of the sedilia in the recesses, which were intimate places intended for pious reflection, was probably different (they played a similar role in Siedlęcin). It is worth emphasising that the iconographic programme of the paintings from Witków is complicated and certainly required specific visual competences from the spectators, including literacy and the ability to decipher the meaning of attributes, theological knowledge, and knowledge of colour symbolism.

Strong walls, high walls, colourful walls
Castles in medieval Europe marked their presence in the landscape from afar -as mighty fortresses, representative seats of monarchs and feudal lords, and important administrative centres. Therefore, any discussion of colour in castle architecture must also look at the external appearance of these architectural complexes, and the image most often coming to mind is that of tall buildings with solid defensive walls surrounding them. It should be stressed at the outset that this way of perceiving castles was available to the general public, and not only for the chosen few who had the opportunity to go inside and experience the often private interiors.
In the area under discussion, the issue of colour in castle architecture is most complex regarding the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, where it can be analysed on the example of numerous buildings, many of which still impress in their exceptionally good states of preservation. Historians of Teutonic architecture have paid more attention to this issue than their colleagues researching Czech or Polish castles (Torbus 2014; Wasik 2016). The large number of preserved examples of colour schemes in the architecture of Teutonic castles in Prussia even makes it possible to introduce a certain systematics. The basic motif is of course the colour of the material that dominates the facades of most of the Order's castles, a brick red whose symbolic meaning should not be overestimated. However, given the repeatability of architectural solutions across the entire Order's dominion, and the clear dominance of brick in the architecture of the region, we may venture to assume that the colour of this material carried connotations that went beyond purely aesthetic impressions, extending into the sphere of ideology, referring to the idea of sovereign territorial authority, for which castles were an important element, including in symbolic terms.
The colour range of castle façades in Teutonic Prussia was much richer than in the Kingdom of Poland and the Czech Kingdom. Solutions apart from brick red can be pointed out within the framework of these systematics: friezes covered with plaster in bright colours (such as the castle in Ragnit), friezes in the form of painted traceries (on the walls of Konigsberg Castle), painted coats of arms of the Order, typically placed on castle towers (Malbork, Brodnica, Bytów, Człuchów, Toruń), glazed mouldings and letter friezes (Elbląg, Pokarmin, Malbork, Radzyń Chełmiński, Grudziądz, Bałga, Lochstedt, Bierzgłowo, Konigsberg), decorations from clinker bricks (numerous examples), as well as frescos in castle interiors and painted sculptures of external portals (Malbork, Lochstedt). In particular, decorations made of glazed and clinker bricks determined the artistic expression of the architecture of Teutonic castles, so we will devote more space to them here (Torbus 2014, pp. 372-7;Wasik 2016, pp. 221-8).
Glazed bricks already appear in the oldest regular Teutonic conventual castles from the area of the Vistula Lagoon (Elbląg, Pokarmin, Malbork, Balga) after 1260, and on a larger scale in the last quarter of the 14th century. The glaze covering them was black in colour and they were used from the outset for decorative purposes, the best example being the gate of the High Castle in Malbork, decorated with black stripes of glazed brick. Glazed terracotta letter tiles, which were used to compose longer friezes or bands around window jambs and portals, were a characteristic element in this region. Their importance went beyond their role in the colourful effect of castle elevations. While they constituted clear colour accents in the decoration of brick walls, they were arranged in religious or moralistic phrases and sometimes also commemorated the circumstances of the construction. There are also examples known of letter friezes devoid of content, possibly a result of bricklayer error, although it is difficult to understand why their monastic principals would tolerate such negligence (Torbus 2014, p. 374;Wasik 2016, p. 223). A dark green glaze also appeared very early, and the first known probable example of its use, and at the same time the most spectacular, was the decoration of the non-extant (recently reconstructed) keep at Grudziądz Castle (before 1290), which had the form of horizontal stripes spaced every few metres along the entire height of the tower (cf. Torbus 2014, pp. 89-90;Wasik 2016, p. 224). Around 1320, the palette of brick glaze colours expanded, with the introduction of a lighter shade of green, yellow, and brown. Colourful patterns of alternating glazed mouldings came to be used in the decoration of portals (e.g. in Radzyń Chełmiński) and in friezes (e.g. on the latrine tower of the castle in Toruń) (Torbus 2014, pp. 373-4;Wasik 2016, pp. 223-7). The region of the Teutonic state where multicoloured glazed decoration of castle facades gained particular popularity was the Chełmno Land, where it was used on the largest scale in the castles in Toruń, Grudziądz and Radzyń Chełmiński. Elements preserved in situ within walls, and those found during archaeological and architectural research allow for claiming that in these three complexes the glaze of building ceramics was the most varied. Apart from the aforementioned mouldings in portals and friezes, glaze also appeared as an element accentuating corners, archivolts of cloisters, floors, and traceries. Moreover, archaeological finds of green and brown glazed tiles from the castles in Toruń and Grudziądz indicate that the roofs of these buildings (and probably many others in the Teutonic state) had multicoloured decorations (Wasik 2016, pp. 224-5). Considering their vast surfaces, they must have played a considerable role in the overall colour décor of the buildings and their external artistic expression.
Another equally popular method of colourful articulation of castle walls in the Teutonic state, that of ornamental clinker brick patterns, was a regional feature of Teutonic architecture, and everything points to it being invented in Prussia. From the very beginning of the use of bricks for construction, wet bricks were sometimes excessively fired, and the resulting vitrification imparted the bricks with a black colour. Initially considered production waste, such bricks were used to fill in spaces inside the walls and when short on materials they were laid in the face in random places. The oldest known example of the deliberate use of clinker bricks as a decorative element is the northern elevation of the High Castle in Malbork, dated to the 1280s, where they are laid in a chequerboard pattern (all headers in the façade are clinkers, while the stretchers are red bricks). Towards the end of this century the first more complicated compositions in the form of rhomboidal braid patterns appeared on the façade of Gniew Castle, and it was this motif that gained particular popularity. The most spectacular example of its use is the façade of the castle in Radzyń Chełmiński from the beginning of the 14th century. The catalogue of clinker patterns on the walls of Teutonic castles was supplemented by characteristic zigzags, known, among other places, from the conventual buildings in Bierzgłowo, Kowalewo Pomorskie, and Toruń (Torbus 2014, pp. 375-7;Wasik 2016, pp. 227-8).
However, it was not only the colour of the building ceramics that determined the colour character of the external elevations of Teutonic castles. Polychrome sculptures also played a role in some of the buildings, and the place where such decoration was used on a truly impressive scale is the main Castle Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Malbork. Standing out from the body of the High Castle with its polygonal chancel protruding towards the east, well beyond the line of the castle wing, it also contrasted with the brick walls of the stronghold by the light colour of its façade, known from archival iconography. This most likely indicates that the walls of the church were covered, at the latest in the 15th century, with plaster, which may have been meant to imitate stone material (Mierzwiński 2016, pp. 29-31). Above all, however, the external artistic expression of the Malbork church was determined by the sculptural decoration of the portals leading to the interiors on its two floors, each floor being functionally a separate chapel. The main portal of the church, called the Golden Gate (Figure 31), located in the porch open to the cloisters, was built around 1280, parallel to the construction of the first castle church (which was later rebuilt), and its archivolts and the walls of the porch are decorated with painted terracotta figures representing the typical iconography of the great cathedral portals (Ecclesia and Synagogue, the Wise and Foolish Virgins) (Skibiński 1982, pp. 132-45;Jakubowska 2016;Torbus 2016, pp. 15-7;Jesionowski 2016, pp. 156-60). In turn, the two portals of the lower chapel of St. Anne (created as a result of the extension of the castle church after 1331), placed on the transverse axis of the church, opposite each other in porches open to the outside (to the zwinger), feature rich sculptural decoration made in artificial stone and partially painted. The elaborate figural compositions arranged in the tympanums of the portals and porches depict scenes of the Adoration of the Magi, the Dormition and Assumption of Mary, the Coronation of Mary, the Wise and Foolish Virgins (portal and northern porch) and the Ascension, the Finding of the Holy Cross, the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, and the Last Judgement (portal and southern porch) (Jurkowlaniec 2016, pp. 43-78;Skibiński 1982, pp. 145-58;Torbus 2016, pp. 23-4).
Regardless of the wealth of decorative solutions breaking the monotony of the brick facades of the Malbork castle, the element that dominated in this context, one completely unprecedented against the background of the whole of medieval European art, was the monumental Madonna with the Child (Figure 32). It was situated in an external niche in the polygonal closure of the choir of the castle church and is referred to in the literature as the Malbork Colossus (Hochleitner 2015; Jakubek-Raczkowska and Raczkowski 2019, pp. 199-200;Pospieszna 2016, pp. 95-111). This conventional name is used by scholars with good reason, as the mighty statue, made of anhydrous gypsum plaster (popularly referred to in the literature as artificial stone), was 8 metres high, making it the largest sculpture of medieval Europe and second in that era only to the giant Buddha statues of the Far East. Destroyed during military conflict in 1945, it was precisely reconstructed a few years ago. It was placed in a deep, painted niche in the 1340s, as the last element of the castle church extension. Originally, the statue was decorated with polychrome and gilded, just like the niche, but after about 40 years the painting layers, exposed for such a long time to the adverse influence of atmospheric factors, likely suffered considerable damage. An extremely bold solution was then decided upon, and a workshop was brought in, perhaps related to one previously operating at Prague Cathedral, which covered the gigantic statue with a much more durable mosaic decoration (Pospieszna 2016, pp. 95-6; for a different view see: Torbus 2016, pp. 21-2). The unique nature of this project is evidenced by the fact that the Malbork Madonna was one of only three late medieval works in transalpine Europe made of or decorated with mosaic technique, along with the monumental composition on the south façade of the transept of the Prague Cathedral and a small mosaic above the south porch of the cathedral in Kwidzyn, not far from Malbork (Torbus 2016, pp. 21-2).
The unique value of the Malbork statue lay in its scale and colours, as the latter were intensified by the effects of daylight reflecting off the mosaic surface. These values effectively compensated for the rather clumsy forms of the statue, which, due to the treatment of the decoration and the faces of Mary and little Jesus, somewhat resembled a three-dimensional icon. Shown against the colourful background of the mosaic-lined niche and illuminated by the sunlight, the golden colour of the Madonna's dress and the red colour of her cloak (whose folds revealed a blue underpinning) made a deep impression on the pilgrims visiting Malbork. Convincing proof of the sacral influence of the colourful, shining statue, which could have evoked a feeling of religious terror, are the references in the Teutonic chronicles describing the siege of Malbork in 1410 by the Polish-Lithuanian army, after the defeat the Order suffered in the great Battle of Grunwald. According to these accounts, the artillerymen of the Polish King Władysław Jagiełło trying to fire at the colossal statue of Mary lost their eyesight, and one of the cannons allegedly burst (Pospieszna 2016, pp. 97-9). This hagiographic account can be rationalized by considering that the Teutonic Knights attributed the success of the defence of the castle bearing her name (German: Marienburg) to the protection of Mary, as made manifest in the monumental statue, stunning the besieging Polish-Lithuanian army with her splendour. The inclusion of the exploding cannon in this narrative may resulted from a real event which occurred during the fighting.

Conclusions
In our opinion, castle interiors of the time had multicoloured décor. Colour was also present on elements which are more difficult to grasp, like furnishings (e.g. tiled stoves, furniture), structural elements (windows, portals, shutters, doors), and walls (apart from the paintings analysed here, they were also decorated with tapestries and panel paintings). Sometimes colour was also introduced on the facades of buildings, which we have demonstrated, especially on the example of Teutonic castles. All this combines into a picture of colour as a marker of elitism, and the use of many colours could stand as testament to the financial means of the owner of the building, his horizons and ambitions. Of course, this conviction is also influenced by the nature of the surviving sources, which show a clear focus on the elite of the time. The osmosis of ideas observed in medieval architecture from the highest social groups (rulers and nobles) to the lower but aspiring classes (petty knights, but also the burgers and even village leaders) reinforces our assumption that colour was used in practically every household, but only where the financial means of the family allowed it.
As we have shown on the example of Czech and Polish kings, the world of rulers was colourful, with the walls of both representative interiors and private apartments covered in paintings. The colour palette at the court of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights was also impressive. Wall paintings, often bearing complex iconography, adorned chambers in the manors of less wealthy knights as well. A variety of colours were used, with the choice determined by cost and availability of pigments, but also by the changing fashion, as shaped by the founder's horizon and his individual preferences. The use of vivid and luminous colours, as well as contrast and harmony, may also have been influenced by the lighting of the rooms, as for parts of the year they had only candlelight for illumination.
It is entirely possible that the interiors of medieval defensive-residential buildings might have sometimes been dominated by one colour. This is at least suggested by the names of chambers such as the "white room" in the bishop's manor in Wrocław (Lutsch 1894, p. 31) or the "white room" of Wawel Royal Castle. Without doubt, "green chambers", done in malachite pigment, also became popular in the late Middle Ages.
Researchers of castles rarely pay attention to colour, focusing mostly on understanding the iconographic message of the preserved representations. Meanwhile, colour often complemented or strengthened the symbolism, and sometimes even constituted an independent and dominant element, while in other cases its choice was dictated by other rules (e.g. heraldic). Thus, colour created a sometimes sophisticated visual code which required certain competences on the part of the viewers. As with iconography, the understanding of colours was limited to a certain group, characterized by knowledge and the ability to read the intentions of those who commissioned the decoration.