The Horse and the Lion in Achaemenid Persia: Representations of a Duality

: This paper explores the ambiguous Persian Achaemenid attitude towards the horse and the lion. It examines the way these animals appear in imperial ofﬁcial presentations, local artifacts throughout the empire and Greek textual representations. In the case of the stallion, it looks at the imagery of horse riding or the place of the horse in society and religion alongside the employment of steeds in chariots. Images of the lion are addressed in instances where it appears to be respected as having a signiﬁcant protective power and as the prey of the chase. This paper attempts to show that this ambiguity corresponds roughly to the dual image of the Persians as both pre-imperial/nomad and imperial/sedentary (and hence allegedly luxurious), a schism that is manifest in both the self-presentation of the Achaemenids and in the Greek texts

In a passage from Diodorus Siculus, the courtier Tiribazus, faced with charges of treason, tells his judges how once he had saved the Great King's life: Once during a hunt, while the king was riding in a chariot, two lions came at him, tore to pieces two of four horses belonging to the chariot, and then charged upon the king himself; but at that very moment Tiribazus appeared, slew the lions, and rescued the king from the danger. 1 The episode has several uncharacteristic features, like the mention of two lions attacking the king-instead of one, which was a familiar scene in Ancient Near Eastern iconography-and the depiction of the courageous killing of the beast not by the monarch but by a courtier-since this deed was normally the privilege of the king whenever he was on site. Compare the episode involving Alexander the Great and Lysimachus, echoing the incident of Artaxerxes I and Megabyzus (discussed below). 2 Yet, this concise picture presents the two animals which were at the very core of the Persian imperial ideology, and which are the subject of the present paper, namely the horse and the lion. 3

of 33
Great, c. 600 BCE), a mounted spearman appears to leap over two bodies of soldiers (Figure 1), 41 clearly indicating that this knowledge was already in the possession of the Persians. 42 Aeschylus (Pers. 26) identifies the Persians with horseback riding (and with archery). 38 It is certainly difficult to uphold the picture of several Greek depictions, such as those of Xenophon (Cyr. 1.3.3) or Strabo (11.13.5), according to which the art of horse riding among the Persians was attained very late only through Median mediation. 39 After all, in the reconstruction of the Neo Elamite cylinder seal of "Kurash of Anshan" 40 (i.e., Cyrus I, the grandfather of Cyrus the Great, c. 600 BCE), a mounted spearman appears to leap over two bodies of soldiers (Figure 1), 41 clearly indicating that this knowledge was already in the possession of the Persians. 42 Medes (OPers. Māda), the tribes settling in western Iran from the second century BCE, and who rose to prominence in the area in the middle of the seventh century BCE, were, however, of the earliest able riders in the Iranian plateau. 43 In Tepe Siyalk (VI, Necropolis B), in central western Iran, bronze cheekpieces and bits together with a cylinder seal, dated to the ninth or eighth centuries BCE and showing two mounted archers, were discovered by Roman Ghirshman. 44 Nearby, the plain of Nisaea (OIr. *Nisāya-, "settlement", MPers. Nisāy, NPers. Nesā), was the origin place of the famous Nisaean horses (now extinct), known for their speed and size. 45 Indeed, Greek historiographic convention since the classical period onward, 46 as well as the official Persian imagery, have emphasized the fact that the Medes were verily associated with horse riding. This can be seen in the Persepolis frieze, in which they are depicted as wearing the so-called riding costume (below). 47 It is important to stress that this was an imperial image, in which the Persians followed their ninth-and eighth-century BCE Assyrian predecessors, who essentially associated horses with the Medes. 48 38 See (Drews 2004, p. 116). 39 See (Briant 2002, pp. 14, 19-20). esp. 10-20 on the introduction of horse riding among the Persians as part of the new establishment of the cavalry by Cyrus the Great. Cf. Cyr. 8.6.10. 40 Anshan, the name of western Elamite region, was at one point separated from Elam and identified later within the Fars/Parsa (Persia) province, homeland of the Achaemenids. See (Hansman 1972, pp. 107, 108 + n. 60;Potts 2005). 41 PFS *93; See (Garrison and Root 1996, pp. 6-7, figure 2a; Garrison 2011). The cylinder seal is preserved in impressions on a series of clay tablets from the Persepolis Fortification archive. 42 Cf. the descriptions of a land in Fars/Persia as suitable for horses: Arr. Ind. 40.3,Strab. 15.3.1. 43 See (Kelekna 2009, pp. 63-4, 105, 119;Drews 2004, pp. 69, 107-8, 114). 44 See (Ghirshman 1954, p. 80, fig. 31;Drews 2004, pp. 67, 69, 78-79). 45 Hdt. 3.106,7.40;cf. Arist. HA 9.632;Diod. 17.110.6;Strab. 11.13.7,11.14.9;Arr. Anab. 7.13.1;Suda,s.v. Νίσαιον,ν 425 Adler. On the plain, see (Hanslik 1936, p. 712;Ghirshman 1954, p. 94;Herzfeld 1968, pp. 15-16;Gabrielli 2006, pp. 26-27). 46 Polyb. 10.27.1: "Media is the most notable principality in Asia, both in the extent of its territory and the number and excellence of the men and also of the horses it produces" (trans. Paton, LCL series), also 5.44.1. 47 See, however (Potts 2014, pp. 72-73). 48 See (Radner 2003). Medes (OPers. Māda), the tribes settling in western Iran from the second century BCE, and who rose to prominence in the area in the middle of the seventh century BCE, were, however, of the earliest able riders in the Iranian plateau. 43 In Tepe Siyalk (VI, Necropolis B), in central western Iran, bronze cheekpieces and bits together with a cylinder seal, dated to the ninth or eighth centuries BCE and showing two mounted archers, were discovered by Roman Ghirshman. 44 Nearby, the plain of Nisaea (OIr. *Nisāya-, "settlement", MPers. Nisāy, NPers. Nesā), was the origin place of the famous Nisaean horses (now extinct), known for their speed and size. 45 Indeed, Greek historiographic convention since the classical period onward, 46 as well as the official Persian imagery, have emphasized the fact that the Medes were verily associated with horse riding. This can be seen in the Persepolis frieze, in which they are depicted as wearing the so-called riding costume (below). 47 It is important to stress that this was an imperial image, in which the Persians followed their ninth-and eighth-century BCE Assyrian predecessors, who essentially associated horses with the Medes. 48 In both the artistic and textual representations of the horse among the Persians, the animal serves three important roles in terms of ability, honor and religious function. In imperial Achaemenid ideology, knowledge of horsemanship was considered a requirement for the legitimization of the claim to the throne, since it displayed both might and military valor. This is evident in Darius' self-presentation in the Naqsh-i-Rustam inscription, on the façade of his tomb: As a horseman I am a good horseman (asabâra uvâsabâra amiy). As a bowman, I am a good bowman both afoot and on horseback (asabâra). As a spearman I am a good spearman both afoot and on horseback (asabâra). 49 It is this representation that is reflected in Xenophon' picture of the royal qualities of Cyrus the Younger in the Anabasis: Herodotus also appears to reflect this Achaemenid ideological link between horsemanship and royalty through the figure of Darius I, albeit in two tongue-in-cheek portrayals. The first is the ironic manner in which this association is depicted: it is through a ruse involving a horse's neighing at dawn that Darius obtained the crown (3.84-88) rather than through his ability to ride a horse. 51 The second is the injury inflicted by Darius' hasty leap off his horse while engaging in a hunt of wild beasts (3.129): he twisted his foot quite aggressively. 52 This description again hints at Darius' flawed horsemanship, and by inference, insinuates the problematic legitimacy of his claim to the throne. In all these examples, we can observe the social importance of horse riding in a nomadic community, with the focus being on the personal abilities of a person to break or control the horse. The story of Darius' rise to power among the seven conspirators particularly assumes certain equality among members of the aristocratic elite, and the award given to merit and ability.
This importance of horsemanship to the Persians is sustained by Greek authors in the place they allot to it within Persian education. The locus classicus is Herodotus (1.136), who describes the Persians as educating the children three things only: riding, the use of bows and speaking the truth. 53 Xenophon in his Cyropaedia portrays the young Cyrus as surpassing his peers in horsemanship: when he saw a deer spring out from under cover, he forgot everything that he had heard and gave chase . . . somehow his horse in taking a leap fell upon its knees and almost threw him over its head. However, Cyrus managed, with some difficulty, to keep his seat, and his horse got up. 54 Even more specific is a passage in the dialogue Alcibiades 1 (121e-122a), a work attributed in antiquity to Plato, though its authenticity is rightly doubted. 55 This passage, which outlines the customary tutoring of the young among the Persians, incorporates horsemanship and hunting (for boys from the age of seven to fourteen). An instance of the Persian confidence in their horsemanship is given by Xenophon (Hell. 3.4.12), who relates that Tissaphernes is convinced he will be victorious against Agesilaus' infantry because of his own cavalry. Previously, Herodotus (5.111-12) recounts that Artybius the Persian trained his horse to rear up against hoplites.
This emphasis on horsemanship reflects the nomadic value system of the pre-imperial Persians. Together with the transformation of the Persians themselves, their horses also changed through training and coaching. A telling example is revealed by conjoining two distinct anecdotes. In the clash of Cyrus the Great and Croesus, Polyaenus (7.8.1) tells us, the horses in the army of the former were shaken by the gleam of weapons of Croesus' 50 Xen. Anab. 1.9.5-6, trans. Brownson (LCL series); also Anab. 1.2.7: Cyrus partook in hunting "whenever he wished to give himself and his horses exercise". Cf. 1.8.3, 15. The motif is found also in Cyrus' letter to the Spartans (Plut. Art. 6.4), sent to solicit their assistance in his bid for the throne against his brother Artaxerxes II; among the monarchic traits which Cyrus finds lacking in his brother is the ability to keep a place on his horse during the hunt or on his throne in trouble (ἐκεῖνoν δ' ὑπὸ δειλίας καὶ µαλακίας ἐν µὲν τoῖς κυνηγεσίoις µηδ' ἐϕ' ἵππoυ ἐν δὲ τoῖς κινδύνoις µηδ' ἐπὶ τoῦ θρóνoυ καθῆσθαι). The recurrence of the theme is regardless of the question whether Plutarch invented this detail, inspired by Xenophon (Mossman 2010, p. 151) or whether, conversely, Plutarch took it from an earlier author (most probably Ctesias); see (Almagor 2018, pp. 110-12). 51 Cf. Ctesias FGrH 688 F 13.17. The later author Ptolemaeus Hephaistion (Photios,Bibl. cod. 190,148b Bekker) produced another horse-related story concerning Darius, namely, that he was exposed by his mother and was fed on mares-milk by a horse guardian, Spargapises; for the latter name, see Hdt. 1.211. 52 ἐν ἄγρῃ θηρῶν ἀπoθρώσκoντα ἀπ ἵππoυ στραϕῆναι τὸν πóδα. καί κως ἰσχυρoτέρως ἐστράϕη. 53 παιδεύoυσι δὲ τoὺς παῖδας . . . τρία µoῦνα, ἰχνεύειν καὶ τoξεύειν καὶ ἀληθίζεσθαι. See (Asheri et al. 2007, p. 170) (Schleiermacher 1836, pp. 328-36;Shorey 1933, p. 415;Smith 2004 army 56 and were frightened by the Lydian noise of the spears clanging upon their shields. Yet, According to Aelian, the Persians familiarized their horses to clamors and the bang of bronze "so that in war they may never be afraid of [ . . . ] the clash of swords on shields". 57 The original mindset of the Persians was later combined with an imperial, sedentary worldview. A noticeable change is the growing importance of the chariot as a symbol of the central power and the growing remoteness of the king from the horse, with the ensuing lessening stress on the abilities of the king as a rider. This is in fact at once both a return to the earliest stage of the employment of the horse, 58 and a transition to a seemingly more refined state of the imperial Persians. This portrayal goes along with the Greek depictions of the decadent king as never touching the ground with his feet, 59 occasionally confusing the (war) chariot (ἅρµα) with the carriage (ἁρµάµαξα, covered four wheeled vehicle), a token of luxury. 60 Greek written evidence sometimes counters this decadent picture by an archaic image of the Great King hunting mounted on a horseback. 61 Certain descriptions, however, like the one at the beginning of this paper, which places the king in a chariot, are probably more accurate. They are also found in official imperial depictions of the Neo-Assyrian reliefs; of particular note are the wall panels of Ashurnasirpal II (r. 884-859 BCE), where the king is in a chariot, turning his head backward to face a lion charging from behind ( Figure 2); 62 or of Ashurbanipal (r. 668-631 BCE) hunting lions from his chariot (Figures 3 and 4). 63 The horse chariot also appears in the Achaemenid seals like the one that will be further addressed below ( Figure 5). 64 Not only do these images echo armed clashes, but they also distance the monarch and set him as the great ruler, a measure taken among several others in order to underscore his exalted status.
Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 35 chariot (Figures 3 and 4). 63 The horse chariot also appears in the Achaemenid seals like the one that will be further addressed below ( Figure 5). 64 Not only do these images echo armed clashes, but they also distance the monarch and set him as the great ruler, a measure taken among several others in order to underscore his exalted status.  (BM inv. no. 124534;reg. no. 1847,0623.11 The horses were first used (before the second millennium BCE) for drawing chariots of war or wagons and for transport as paired draught animals. See (Littauer and Crouwel 1979, pp. 13, 22-23, 28-31, 33, 41-43, 56-59, 65-68, 82-86;Drews 2004, pp. 4, 23-25, 38, 40-48, 53, 55;Kelekna 2009, pp. 45-52, 73-76, 95-99). Evidence for riding, both figured and textual, substantially increases from the ninth century BCE, especially in Assyria (Littauer and Crouwel 1979, pp. 134-39). See (Frye 1984, p. 39): "true nomads could hardly exist without the use of horses primarily for riding, and this suggests that nomadism is a relatively late and sophisticated development of a pastoralism based on the use of wagons to follow the herds" (Downs 1961). 59 Cf. Deinon ap. Ath. 12.514a-b: "Whenever the king dismounts from his chariot, he does not leap down, nor is he supported by hands, but a golden stool is always put down for him, and treading on it he descends". Cf. Heracleides ap. Ath. 12.514c: "when [the king] came to the end of the courtyard, he mounted a chariot, but sometimes a horse; he was never seen outside the palace on foot". 60 See especially Hdt. 7.41,cf. 7.83. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 69-70; Xen. Hell. 3.1.13, Cyr. 3.1.40, 6.4.11; cf. Aesch. Pers. 1000-1; see also (Hall 1989, pp. 95-96). 61 (Gabrielli 2006, pp. 14-15). 62 BM inv. no. 124534 (Grayson 1991, no. 0.101.23.29). 63 BM inv. nos. 124850-51 and 54 (reg. no. 1856,0909.15); cf. BM inv. no. 124858 (Room C, Panel 5; preparation of chariot); see (Barnett 1976, p. 38, pl. 11;Weissert 1997, p. 340) (who even shows the existence of a topos of "Lion Hunt by Chariot (in the Plain)"). 64 BM inv. no. 89132 (reg. no. 1835,0630.1); see (Frankfort 1939, p (BM inv. no. 124534;reg. no. 1847,0623.11); relief scene, gypsum; NW Palace, Nimrud (mod. Iraq); Neo-Assyrian, ca. 865-860 BCE [image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London].  inv. nos. 124850-51 and 54 (reg. no. 1856,0909.15); cf. BM inv. no. 124858 (Room C, Panel 5; preparation of chariot); see (Barnett 1976, p. 38, pl. 11;Weissert 1997, p. 340) (who even shows the existence of a topos of "Lion Hunt by Chariot (in the Plain)"). 64 BM inv. no. 89132 (reg. no. 1835,0630.1); see (Frankfort 1939, p. 221, pl. 37d;Curtis and Tallis 2005, no. 398).   (BM inv. no. 124534;reg. no. 1847,0623.11 inv. nos. 124850-51 and 54 (reg. no. 1856,0909.15); cf. BM inv. no. 124858 (Room C, Panel 5; preparation of chariot); see (Barnett 1976, p. 38, pl. 11;Weissert 1997, p. 340) (who even shows the existence of a topos of "Lion Hunt by Chariot (in the Plain)"). 64 BM inv. no. 89132 (reg. no. 1835,0630.1); see (Frankfort 1939, p. 221, pl. 37d;Curtis and Tallis 2005, no. 398).    The absence of any depiction of the Persian king as actually riding a horse may have to do with the fact that there is no representation of a mounted warrior in the Achaemenid monumental iconography. 65 This is true, although in Greek imagination such equestrian statues existed, as, for instance, the one of Darius I (3.88: ἀνὴρ ἱππεύς), with the legend "Darius son of Hystaspes by the excellence of his horse". An interesting case is an undated letter (in Aramaic) of Arshama (Arsames), the satrap of Egypt probably from 458/7 or 454 until 407 BCE, at least. 66 In that letter (A6.12 = Driver 9), Arshama apparently authorises rations from his men for the artist (ptkrkr, sculptor?) Ḥinzani (?), ordering them to let him "make statues (?), (ptkrn) [on] which there shall be horsemen [...] a horse with The absence of any depiction of the Persian king as actually riding a horse may have to do with the fact that there is no representation of a mounted warrior in the Achaemenid monumental iconography. 65 This is true, although in Greek imagination such equestrian statues existed, as, for instance, the one of Darius I (3.88: ἀνὴρ ἱππεύς), with the legend "Darius son of Hystaspes by the excellence of his horse". An interesting case is an undated letter (in Aramaic) of Arshama (Arsames), the satrap of Egypt probably from 458/7 or 454 until 407 BCE, at least. 66 In that letter (A6.12 = Driver 9), Arshama apparently authorises rations from his men for the artist (ptkrkr, sculptor?) H . inzani (?), ordering them to let him "make statues (?), (ptkrn) [on] which there shall be horsemen [ . . . ] a horse with its rider (prš . . . swsh 'm rkbh)", as H . inzani "has done previously". The reference to the artefact and the commission to make more like it led some scholars to believe that equestrian sculptures did exist in Achaemenid court circles. 67 Nevertheless, this inference is not necessary, and the relevant word in the letter ptkr (ptkrn in plural) may mean "relief" (a foreign loanword, OPers. patikara-), as it is found in that sense on the Bisitun inscription. 68 In this meaning, it is not a freestanding statue, but rather an image on material. Since the latter designation may also cover images on seals, it may be that H . inzani was in fact a seal-cutter, 69 and that the "previous work" refers to a cylinder seal of Arshama, like the one known by impressions on sealings of letters. 70 On that seal, one person is about to kill another with his spear, while their respective two horses stand nearby. Thus, Arshama may have commissioned a seal image of a horse and warrior, not a statue of a mounted rider. 71 Furthermore, the horse does not appear to feature in freestanding portions of the palaces in Achaemenid monumental sculpture. The fragments of an animal protome capital, which was on top of a column of the great hall of Palace S in Pasargadae, were believed by the excavator Ernst Herzfeld to be those of a horse. 72 Yet, this is now uncertain. 73 In fact, no horse-head capital has been found in any of the palaces. Apropos their relative absence in Persepolis, Root (2002, p. 206) notes that "in view of the importance of the horse, it may seem puzzling that the animal does not play a more evident role in the program of architectural sculpture at Persepolis".
In the visual representations of the different delegations bringing gifts in the east stairs of the Apadāna (Audience Hall) in Persepolis, all we see are riderless horses (below). One may imagine here a deliberate Achaemenid attempt to hint at the dual condition of the animal, at once stressing its importance as a symbol of the Empire in the form of a tribute, while suppressing the presentation of the nomadic horsemanship. 74 All matters equine were of prime importance to the elite as reminiscence of the past reality of nomadic society, along with the honor it gave them. Evidence for the former pride and prestige that horse brought to the noble society can be found in various artefacts, 65 See (Stronach 2009, p. 233, n. 35): "prolonged Achaemenid excavations at the site have so far failed to produce additional evidence for the existence of equestrian royal figures". See (Tuplin 2010, pp. 104-5). This is grounded in an ideological difference between the Assyrian and the Persian images of power. 66 Ctesias relates (FGrH 688 F 14.38) that after the suppression of the revolt of Inarus the Egyptian Sarsamas (in all probability Arsames) was appointed to be the satrap of Egypt. For the date of the rebellion's suppression see (Kahn 2008 (Root 1979, pp. 129-30;2002, p. 207). 68 DB 4.71,73,77,90;Elamite version DB El. 3.85: battikarum;cf. DNa.41. 69 As proposed by (Boardman 2000, pp. 134, 165, 243, n. 28). 70 Bodleian Library Oxford, Pell Aram. I-XV. 71 See (Stronach 2009, p. 230): "it is probably legitimate to conclude that Arshama was not in the habit of commissioning equestrian statues. Moreover, any specific bent of this kind, even on the part of a high-born Persian, would probably have attracted unfavorable royal notice". For a discussion on this letter, see (Driver 1965, pp. 32, 71-74;Tuplin 2014, pp. 100-7). The small iconography had other ways of circulating and was visible to a different public. 72 See (Herzfeld 1929, p. 11): "ein prachtvoller Pferdekopf"; see (Stronach 1978, pp. 57, 61-62, 73-74, pl. 33;Root 2002, p. 206). 73 As (Kawami 1986, p. 266), has shown convincingly, the fragment may belong to a sculpture of a goat and not to a horse. 74 One may point at an interesting opposite parallel: in reality, the ancient Israelites had war and chariot horses (cf. 2 Samuel 8: 3-4, 1 Kings 10: 28-29, 1 Chronicles 18: 3-4); this did not prevent them from still maintaining the prohibition, from the time before they wielded power, not to hold nor to breed horses (Deut. 17:16); see (Kelekna 2009, pp. 99-100).
Arts 2021, 10, 41 10 of 33 like theriomorphic metal and terracotta drinking vessels with the head of a horse. 75 These are found in Iran from the time of the Teppe Hasanlu (level IV) settlement in northern Iran (1000 to 800 bce), as exemplified in a bronze vessel terminating in a horse's head. 76 Other examples are two presumably fifth-century BCE painted, complete horse-shaped terracotta rhyta: one said to be from Maku, north-eastern Iran, and the other from Susa, both with painted saddlecloths. 77 Three other specimens worth mentioning belong to the "horn" or "bent" rhyton variety, namely a fragmentary fifth-or fourth-century silver rhyton terminating in a horse's head, whose original provenance is unknown ( Figure 6); 78 a silver rhyton with a horse protome with legs under its body ( Figure 7); 79 and a silver rhyton with a horse-and-rider protome, uniquely formed as a sculptural group, with the horse's forelegs and hind-legs again tucked beneath ( Figure 8). 80 The latter two were discovered in 1968, as part of a hoard in a large jug hidden in ancient Erebuni, Urartu (now Armenia). The original date is unknown, but could be fifth-or fourth-century BCE Cappadocia or Western Armenia. 81 In the case of the rider rhyton, it has been suggested that he was a satrap or a noble of the royal family. 82 Some of the aspects of the noble Persian honor and status were perceived by the Greeks in the context of the Persian Wars. For instance, Herodotus relates (9.20) that during the Battle of Plataea, Masistius' horse had a golden bridle and that after the battle (9.70), the Tegeans found in the Mardonius's tent a beautiful bronze manger of his horse, which they dedicated later as an offering in the temple of Athene Alea. 83 Evidence for the reality of Persian aristocratic horse races is found in another passage of Herodotus, in which Xerxes' steeds defeated Thessalian horses; Xenophon narrates another horse race. 84 Equestrian images were part of official seals, like the impressions of two found in the Persepolis Treasury. 85 Xenophon (Cyr. 8.1.8) relates that the honorable men of rank (the ἔντιµoι) came to their king's court with their horses and spears.    75 See (Moorey 1985, p. 34): "thus, the taste for metal vessels of this form may be ultimately Iranian, as some of the favoured animals might indicate". 76 MMA acc. no. HAS 60-881; see (Dyson 1961, p. 537, fig. 10;Muscarella 1988, p. 24). 77 Respectively, INM inv. nos. 6700 and 8485; see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 227, nos. 410, 411). 78 MMA acc. no. 47.100.87; for the provenance, see (Muscarella 1980, p. 30;Simpson et al. 2010, p. 434). 79 EHAM inv. no. 19; see (Treister 2015, pp. 27-39). 80 EHAM inv. no. 20; see (Stronach 2009, pp. 226, 230, fig. 11), who rightly dismisses the assertion of (Farkas 1974, p. 76), that there was no Persian horse and rider motif "until Greek artists created it"; see (Treister 2015, pp. 39-65, 95-99). 81 See (Stronach 2011, pp. 259, 263;Treister 2015, pp. 38, 60). 82 Orontes, satrap of Armenia after 401 BCE? This is speculative, as admitted by (Treister 2015, pp. 61, n. 137 and 64;Stronach 2009, p. 226): "a person of rank". 83 See (Kelekna 2009, p. 78): "metal items were not always strictly utilitarian. Designed to celebrate the nomadic lifestyle, many horse and chariot trappings and belt accessories [ . . . ] were now rendered in bronze, silver, and gold". 84 Hdt. 7.196;Xen. Cyr. 8.3.25,Eq. 8.6;Strab. 11.13.7. 85 In the first seal impression, there are two mounted horsemen, in the second, one. Respectively, seal 18: (Schmidt 1957, p. 25, pl. 6, PT4 976, PT4 805) and seal 34 (Schmidt 1957         Some items which display the interest of the elite in horses and horsemanship are problematic in that their date and provenance is unclear. One such artefact is a cast bronze figurine of a horse, galloping, and rider, leaning forward, probably originally attached to a (now missing) vessel ( Figure 9). 86 Other items are also challenging, since they come from a collection in which modern forgeries may be found. This is the so-called "Oxus Treasure" from central Asia, found between 1876 and 1880 and containing c. 180 gold and silver items of alleged Achaemenid metalwork, mostly votive offerings. 87 Among the items is a gold figure of a male rider, originally mounted and holding reins, now extant without his horse ( Figure 10). 88 86 BM inv. no. 117760 (reg. no. 1890,0308.5); see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 226, no. 409). 87 See (Dalton 1964, p. xvi;Curtis and Tallis 2005, pp. 47-48). For the date, see (Allen 2005, p. 98;Boardman 2006). 88 BM inv. no. 124098 (reg. no. 1931,0408.1); see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 226, no. 408;Stronach 2009, p. 225) (who argues that the figurine "was intended to represent a notable personage-perhaps, in this case, a local satrap").
Arts 2021, 10, 41 12 of 33 bronze figurine of a horse, galloping, and rider, leaning forward, probably originally attached to a (now missing) vessel ( Figure 9). 86 Other items are also challenging, since they come from a collection in which modern forgeries may be found. This is the so-called "Oxus Treasure" from central Asia, found between 1876 and 1880 and containing c. 180 gold and silver items of alleged Achaemenid metalwork, mostly votive offerings. 87 Among the items is a gold figure of a male rider, originally mounted and holding reins, now extant without his horse ( Figure 10). 88 Figure 9. Mounted rider in Median dress (BM inv. no. 117760;reg. no In the first seal impression, there are two mounted horsemen, in the second, one. Respectively, seal 18: (Schmidt 1957, p. 25, pl. 6, PT4 976, PT4 805) and seal 34 (Schmidt 1957, p. 31, pl. 10, PT6 179, PT6 40;Root 2002, p. 207). 86 BM inv. no. 117760 (reg. no. 1890,0308.5); see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 226, no. 409). 87 See (Dalton 1964, p. xvi;Curtis and Tallis 2005, pp. 47-48). For the date, see (Allen 2005, p. 98;Boardman 2006). 88 BM inv. no. 124098 (reg. no. 1931,0408.1); see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 226, no. 408;Stronach 2009, p. 225) (who argues that the figurine "was intended to represent a notable personage-perhaps, in this case, a local satrap"). In the Persepolis reliefs of the east stairs of the Apadāna, some delegates arrive bringing horses as gifts or tribute, with their manes knotted at the top and at the tip of their tails ( Figure 11). 89 This practice should rather be seen as part of the imperial and royal mechanism rather than the aristocratic pre-imperial appreciation of the horse. In the royal personnel, there were special people in charge of taking care of the horses, as evident in the Persepolis fortification tablets. 90 A token of the imperial significance can also be seen in the gifts bestowed by the king upon his dignitaries. A few examples in Greek texts stress this importance. For instance, Xenophon in the Cyropaedia (8.2.8) asserts that certain gifts are "so readily recognised as some of those which the king gives" such as bracelets, necklaces, "and horses with gold-studded bridles" (ἵπποι χρυσοχάλινοι); it is among the items that no one is allowed to have, except those to whom the king has In the Persepolis reliefs of the east stairs of the Apadāna, some delegates arrive bringing horses as gifts or tribute, with their manes knotted at the top and at the tip of Arts 2021, 10, 41 13 of 33 their tails ( Figure 11). 89 This practice should rather be seen as part of the imperial and royal mechanism rather than the aristocratic pre-imperial appreciation of the horse. In the royal personnel, there were special people in charge of taking care of the horses, as evident in the Persepolis fortification tablets. 90 A token of the imperial significance can also be seen in the gifts bestowed by the king upon his dignitaries. A few examples in Greek texts stress this importance. For instance, Xenophon in the Cyropaedia (8.2.8) asserts that certain gifts are "so readily recognised as some of those which the king gives" such as bracelets, necklaces, "and horses with gold-studded bridles" (ἵππoι χρυσoχάλινoι); it is among the items that no one is allowed to have, except those to whom the king has given them. 91 In a later passage, Cyrus gives a man: one of the horses that were being led in the procession and [gives] orders to one of the macebearers to have it led away for him wherever he should direct. And to those who saw it, it seemed to be a mark of great honour, and as a consequence of that event many more people paid court to that man. 92 Indeed, in the Anabasis (1.2.27), as part of the royal aspirations displayed by Cyrus the Younger, he gives the Syennesis of Cilicia gifts, "which are regarded at court as tokens of honour", among them, a gold necklace and bracelets, a gold dagger and "a horse with a gold-studded bridle" (ἵππον χρυσοχάλινον). To these passages may be added the well-known depiction in Esther (6:1-9) of the royal gift of a horse. 93 In this practice, we can see the combination of a vestige from the value system of the nomadic community, a society of warriors, which attached great importance to horses on the one hand, and the imperial hierarchical structure adopted later on, with its focus on the great ruler, on the other. The result was a system, which prized horses yet gave the king a prerogative in determining the nature of the honors and the bestowal of them to a selected few. An example of this amalgamation is Xenophon's presentation, according to which the establishment of the Persian cavalry had to do with the honor the nobles received from Cyrus when he gave them horses. 94 The last aspect to note with regard to the horse in Persia is its role in religious rites, where it was sacrificed in honor of the sun. Such rites, found in Greek literature, 95 attest to the importance attached to the horse, which presumably goes back to a society in which it was prized above cattle and other animals known in agricultural sedentary societies. The practice of horse sacrifice was Indo-Iranian, while the association of steeds and the sun goes back to the Avestan society, where horses pull the celestial body's chariot. 96 Curtius Rufus (3.3.11) refers to a large horse in Darius III's procession as "the steed of the sun" (equus, quem Solis appellabant). A similar ritual is also known in the form of sacrifices around the tomb of Cyrus the Great: Indeed, in the Anabasis (1.2.27), as part of the royal aspirations displayed by Cyrus the Younger, he gives the Syennesis of Cilicia gifts, "which are regarded at court as tokens of honour", among them, a gold necklace and bracelets, a gold dagger and "a horse with a gold-studded bridle" (ἵππoν χρυσoχάλινoν). To these passages may be added the wellknown depiction in Esther (6:1-9) of the royal gift of a horse. 93 In this practice, we can see the combination of a vestige from the value system of the nomadic community, a society of warriors, which attached great importance to horses on the one hand, and the imperial hierarchical structure adopted later on, with its focus on the great ruler, on the other. The result was a system, which prized horses yet gave the king a prerogative in determining 89 (Schmidt 1953(Schmidt , pls. 29, 35, 37, 42, id. 1957Barnett 1957, p. 61, pls. 15.3, 16.4, 17.1, 18.1;Walser 1966, pp. 74-75, pls. 10, 36, 39;Afshar and Lerner 1979;Mitchell 2000, p. 51, pl. 22.a-b;Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 70, no. 25;Gabrielli 2006, pp. 5-34). 90 PF inv. nos. 166890 PF inv. nos. -69, 167590 PF inv. nos. , 176590 PF inv. nos. , 178490 PF inv. nos. -87, 179390 PF inv. nos. , 1942cf. PFa 24, 29; see (Briant 2002(Briant , pp. 426, 457, 1023 93 Est. 6:7-9: "For the man whom the king delights to honor, let a royal robe be brought which the king has worn, and a horse on which the king has ridden, which has a royal crest placed on its head. Then let this robe and horse be delivered to the hand of one of the king's most noble princes that he may array the man whom the king delights to honor. Then parade him on horseback through the city square, and proclaim before him: 'Thus shall it be done to the man whom the king delights to honor!'". the nature of the honors and the bestowal of them to a selected few. An example of this amalgamation is Xenophon's presentation, according to which the establishment of the Persian cavalry had to do with the honor the nobles received from Cyrus when he gave them horses. 94 The last aspect to note with regard to the horse in Persia is its role in religious rites, where it was sacrificed in honor of the sun. Such rites, found in Greek literature, 95 attest to the importance attached to the horse, which presumably goes back to a society in which it was prized above cattle and other animals known in agricultural sedentary societies. The practice of horse sacrifice was Indo-Iranian, while the association of steeds and the sun goes back to the Avestan society, where horses pull the celestial body's chariot. 96 Curtius Rufus (3.3.11) refers to a large horse in Darius III's procession as "the steed of the sun" (equus, quem Solis appellabant). A similar ritual is also known in the form of sacrifices around the tomb of Cyrus the Great: Within the enclosure, and lying on the approach to the tomb itself, was a small building put up for the Magians, who were guardians of Cyrus' tomb, from as long ago as Cambyses, son of Cyrus, receiving this guardianship from father to son. To them was given from the king a sheep a day, an allowance of meal and wine and a horse each month, to sacrifice to Cyrus. 97 Furthermore, Herodotus (3.90) states that Cilicia had to supply 360 white horses to the king, "one for each day of the year" (ἑκάστης ἡµέρης εἷς γινóµενoς), whereby a reference is made to the lunisolar year of 360 days (including five epagomenal days). 98 In the description of Strabo, the satrap of Armenia sent 20,000 horses to the Great King for the feasts of Mithra each year. 99 This tradition ties together the rite of the sacrifice of horses to the sun 100 with the imperial tribute system. In that system, payment was also made in horses: the Cappadocian annual tribute to the Persians was 1500 steeds, 2000 mules, 50,000 sheep. 101 Compare the realistic figures, which Xenophon (Anab. 4.5.24) reports: a certain village reared seventeen horses for tribute to the Persians. The Persians followed their imperial Assyrian predecessors in levying horses. 102 This self-projected imperial image is presumably the reason for the stress on the cavalry and horse breeding of other nations (mostly Iranian) than the Persians, seen in the Apadāna reliefs (above) and in Greek texts. 103 It would seem, therefore, that the Persians were able to incorporate a traditional, nomadic set of values, in which the horse played an important part (and hence religious as well), within an imperial system in which they controlled many sedentary populations of the empire and exacted from them a tribute in steeds, presumably for military objectives. 104 94 Xen. Cyr. 4.3.22-23: "it will be considered improper for anyone to whom I provide with a horse to be seen going anywhere on foot" (αἰσχρὸν εἶναι, oἷς ἂν ἵππoυς ἐγὼ πoρίσω, ἤν τις ϕανῇ πεζῇ ἡµῶν πoρευóµενoς), trans adapted from Miller, LCL series. 95 (Briant 2002, pp. 94-96, 245-46, 281) on Hdt. 1.189-90; see (Boyce 1975, pp. 122, 151). Cf. a Persian sacrifice of a horse to water at the river Strymon (Hdt. 7.113), cf. Tac. Ann. 6.37 (Parthian). 96 Yasna 1. 11,4.16,7.12,16.4,22.24,25.4,68.22,Yasht 10.13,90,125,136,6.1,4,[6][7]12.34,13.81; cf. R . gVeda 1.162 (horse sacrifice); Yasht 10.52, 66, 68, 76 (Mithras); Just. 1.10.5; see (Aalto 1975, pp. 8-9;Frye 1984, p. 55;Kelekna 2009, pp. 113-15). 97 Arr. Anab. 6.29.7: εἶναι δὲ ἐντὸςτoῦ περιβóλoυ πρὸς τῇ ἀναβάσει τῇ ἐπὶ τὸν τάϕoνϕερoύσῃ oἴκηµα σµικρὸν τoῖς Mάγoις πεπoιηµένoν, oἳ δὴ ἐϕύλασσoν τὸν Kύρoυ τάϕoν ἔτι ἀπὸ Kαµβύσoυ τoῦ Kύρoυ, παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς ἐκδεχóµενoς τὴν ϕυλακήν. καὶ τoύτoις πρóβατóν τε ἐς ἡµέραν ἐδίδoτo ἐκ βασιλέως καὶ ἀλεύρων τε καὶ oἴνoυ τεταγµένα καὶ ἵππoς κατὰ µῆνα ἐς θυσίαν τῷ Kύρῳ; trans. Robson (LCL series). One may note that according to Ctesias (FGrH 688 F 15.51), "Cyrus" is the name by which Persians call the sun; cf. Plut. Art. 1.3 (Kῦρoν γὰρ καλεῖν Πέρσας τὸν ἥλιoν); Hesych., s.v. Kuros (K-4700 L). 98 See (Taqizadeh 1938, pp. 13-16). 99 Strab. 11.14.9: ὁ σατράπης τῆς ᾿ Αρµενίας τῷ Πέρσῃ κατ' ἔτoς δισµυρίoυς πώλoυς τoῖς Mιθρακίνoις ἔπεµπεν. Within the enclosure, and lying on the approach to the tomb itself, was a small building put up for the Magians, who were guardians of Cyrus' tomb, from as long ago as Cambyses, son of Cyrus, receiving this guardianship from father to son. To them was given from the king a sheep a day, an allowance of meal and wine and a horse each month, to sacrifice to Cyrus. 97 Furthermore, Herodotus (3.90) states that Cilicia had to supply 360 white horses to the king, "one for each day of the year" (ἑκάστης ἡμέρης εἷς γινόμενος), whereby a reference is made to the lunisolar year of 360 days (including five epagomenal days). 98 In the description of Strabo, the satrap of Armenia sent 20,000 horses to the Great King for the feasts of Mithra each year. 99 This tradition ties together the rite of the sacrifice of horses to the sun 100 with the imperial tribute system. In that system, payment was also made in horses: the Cappadocian annual tribute to the Persians was 1500 steeds, 2000 mules, 50,000 sheep. 101 Compare the realistic figures, which Xenophon (Anab. 4.5.24) reports: a certain village reared seventeen horses for tribute to the Persians. The Persians followed their imperial Assyrian predecessors in levying horses. 102 This self-projected imperial image is presumably the reason for the stress on the cavalry and horse breeding of other nations (mostly Iranian) than the Persians, seen in the Apadāna reliefs (above) and in Greek texts. 103 It would seem, therefore, that the Persians were able to incorporate a traditional, nomadic set of values, in which the horse played an important part (and hence religious as well), within an imperial system in which they controlled many sedentary populations of the empire and exacted from them a tribute in steeds, presumably for military objectives. 104

The Lion
The typical prey of hunting scenes and depictions in the Ancient Near East was the lion (Panthera Leo). An large early Mesopotamian basalt stone slab from the fourth millennium BCE portrays the assumed ruler of Warka (Uruk) fighting lions in two positions, one as shooting an arrow and another as throwing a spear (Figure 12). 105 Undeniably, very early in the Ancient Near East, one of the responsibilities of the ruler was to meet and avert the danger of beasts to the population. 106 The hunt was thus a symbol of the primeval clash between orderly society and the powers wishing to destroy it, symbolized by the lion. 107 Because of this honor and duty of the leader to chase the lion, that animal was increasingly connected with majestic influence and might. 108 King Shulgi (2075-25 bce) compares himself to a lion, therefore insinuating that the features of the lion and his fierceness are absorbed by the hero who overcomes it. 109 The hunt was an opportunity for the king to display an almost heroic personal involvement in the killing of animals, sometimes with his own bare hands. Tiglath-Pileser I (c. 1100 bce) boasts of killing 120 lions on foot and 800 from his chariot. 110  The famous Neo-Assyrian instances of the lion hunt are reliefs from the Northwest Palace at Nimrud (9th cent. BCE) featuring King Ashurnasirpal II or the crown prince Shalmaneser III (Figure 13; cf. Figure 2). 112 Then, for almost two hundred years, this hunting theme appears only in depictions in royal seals (Figure 14). 113 108 See (Watanabe 2002, pp. 42-56). For different explanations, see (Root 2002, p. 198): "this related in part to the simple reason that the lion was observable as a powerful and beautiful wild animal" and on p. 200: "the lion maintained a special place, respected for its lack of fear and therefore associated with royalty". 109 See (Pritchard 1969 The famous Neo-Assyrian instances of the lion hunt are reliefs from the Northwest Palace at Nimrud (9th cent. BCE) featuring King Ashurnasirpal II or the crown prince Shalmaneser III (Figure 13; cf. Figure 2). 112 Then, for almost two hundred years, this hunting theme appears only in depictions in royal seals (Figure 14). 113 105 IrMus inv. no. IM 23.477; see (Watanabe 2002, p. 42). 106 See (Frankfort 1954, p. 78). 107 See (Watanabe 2002, p. 83;Strawn 2005, pp. 141-50). 108 See (Watanabe 2002, pp. 42-56). For different explanations, see (Root 2002, p. 198): "this related in part to the simple reason that the lion was observable as a powerful and beautiful wild animal" and on p. 200: "the lion maintained a special place, respected for its lack of fear and therefore associated with royalty". 109 See (Pritchard 1969, pp. 585-86, lines 3, 14, 43, 71;Cornelius 1989, pp. 58-59;Watanabe 2000;Strawn 2005, pp. 152, 161, 174-84) for more references.
The theme was most popular in Egypt. The ferocity of the lion was believed to be absorbed by the hero who overcame it. 110 See (Wiseman 1952, lines 86-94;Luckenbill 1926, pp. i.85-6, nos. 247-48). 111 See (Luckenbill 1926, pp. i.116, no. 375). 112 BM inv. no. 124579; see (Curtis and Reade 1995, no. 5 The famous Neo-Assyrian instances of the lion hunt are reliefs from the Northwest Palace at Nimrud (9th cent. BCE) featuring King Ashurnasirpal II or the crown prince Shalmaneser III (Figure 13; cf. Figure 2). 112 Then, for almost two hundred years, this hunting theme appears only in depictions in royal seals ( Figure 14). 113 108 See (Watanabe 2002, pp. 42-56). For different explanations, see (Root 2002, p. 198): "this related in part to the simple reason that the lion was observable as a powerful and beautiful wild animal" and on p. 200: "the lion maintained a special place, respected for its lack of fear and therefore associated with royalty". 109 See (Pritchard 1969, pp. 585-86, lines 3, 14, 43, 71;Cornelius 1989, pp. 58-59;Watanabe 2000;Strawn 2005, pp. 152, 161, 174-84) for more references. The theme was most popular in Egypt. The ferocity of the lion was believed to be absorbed by the hero who overcame it. 110 See (Wiseman 1952, lines 86-94;Luckenbill 1926-27, pp. i.85-6, nos. 247-48). 111 See (Luckenbill 1926-67, pp. i.116, no. 375). 112 BM inv. no. 124579; see (Curtis and Reade 1995, no. 5 Only in the seventh century BCE was it performed before spectators, 114 in particular in the Nineveh (north palace) royal hunt scenes of Ashurbanipal. 115 The reliefs of the latter are the prominent portrayals we have of lion hunting in the Ancient Near East. They present a dramatic re-enactment of a chase, and are meant to highlight this element in the royal Neo-Assyrian ideology. They are unrealistic, for instance, in the display of the king Ashurbanipal seizing a lion by the tail with his left hand ( Figure 15). 116 In the final stage of Ashurbanipal's hunting scenes, which is now in the Louvre Museum, the lion is facing the king, who drives his spear in it. 117 This also appears in one of the reliefs now in the British Museum where the king dispatches a lion with sword ( Figure 16). 118 On the other hand, there are realistic aspects in the reliefs, in that they show that the king was not alone in the orchestrated chase. There is a religious dimension here as well. The hunt may be a battle between Ashur and the incarnate hosts of evil, the lions, led by Tiamat. 119 In another register of the same relief, Ashurbanipal is seen pouring a wine libation over the bodies of four lions (Figure 17). 120 114 Collon 1995, n. 188, see (Weissert 1997  Only in the seventh century BCE was it performed before spectators, 114 in particular in the Nineveh (north palace) royal hunt scenes of Ashurbanipal. 115 The reliefs of the latter are the prominent portrayals we have of lion hunting in the Ancient Near East. They present a dramatic re-enactment of a chase, and are meant to highlight this element in the royal Neo-Assyrian ideology. They are unrealistic, for instance, in the display of the king Ashurbanipal seizing a lion by the tail with his left hand ( Figure 15). 116 In the final stage of Ashurbanipal's hunting scenes, which is now in the Louvre Museum, the lion is facing the king, who drives his spear in it. 117 This also appears in one of the reliefs now in the British Museum where the king dispatches a lion with sword ( Figure 16). 118 On the other hand, there are realistic aspects in the reliefs, in that they show that the king was not alone in the orchestrated chase. There is a religious dimension here as well. The hunt may be a battle between Ashur and the incarnate hosts of evil, the lions, led by Tiamat. 119 In another register of the same relief, Ashurbanipal is seen pouring a wine libation over the bodies of four lions (Figure 17). 120 114 Collon 1995, n. 188, see (Weissert 1997, p. 356;Reade 1998, p. 77). 115 See (Albenda 1972(Albenda , 1974Watanabe 1992Watanabe , 2002. 116 BM inv. no. 124886 (reg. no. 1856,0909.51: central register from Room S of the North Palace); see (Frankfort 1954, pl. 108b;Barnett 1976, p. 54, pl (Frankfort 1954, pl. 113;Barnett 1976, p. 51, pl. 49). 119 See (Strawn 2005, nn. 170-71). 120 BM inv. no. 124886 (reg. no. 1856,0909.51: lower register from Room S of the North Palace); see (Frankfort 1954, pl. 108b;Barnett 1976, p. 54, pl lion is facing the king, who drives his spear in it. 117 This also appears in one of the reliefs now in the British Museum where the king dispatches a lion with sword ( Figure 16). 118 On the other hand, there are realistic aspects in the reliefs, in that they show that the king was not alone in the orchestrated chase. There is a religious dimension here as well. The hunt may be a battle between Ashur and the incarnate hosts of evil, the lions, led by Tiamat. 119 In another register of the same relief, Ashurbanipal is seen pouring a wine libation over the bodies of four lions ( Figure 17). 120 114 Collon 1995, n. 188, see (Weissert 1997, p. 356;Reade 1998, p. 77). 115 See (Albenda 1972(Albenda , 1974Watanabe 1992Watanabe , 2002 The hunt, and in particular lion hunting, occupies a problematic and ambiguous place within the Achaemenid court once the Persians succeed the Assyrians (and following the Neo-Babylonians) as dominating a world empire. One attitude can best be described as a deliberate attempt to suppress, in monumental Achaemenid sculpture, the traces of the lion hunt as it evolved in imperial Assyrian times. It is known that the hunting theme in Ancient Persia is absent from the portrayals of the Achaemenid king in the reliefs of the palaces. This absence is not merely because of the state of archaeological discoveries; similarly, there is no evidence of the theme in the royal inscriptions. Given that the hunting imagery was generally conspicuous in the ancient world, we can comprehend the reason why Greek writers felt the need to insert it into their readings of the Achaemenid inscriptions. Onesicritus, for instance, as Strabo (15.3.8) quotes him, indeed has the following text of an inscription on Darius' grave: "as hunter I prevailed". The phrase is either a misunderstanding of the actual legend or intended Greek embroi-   The hunt, and in particular lion hunting, occupies a problematic and ambiguous place within the Achaemenid court once the Persians succeed the Assyrians (and following the Neo-Babylonians) as dominating a world empire. One attitude can best be described as a deliberate attempt to suppress, in monumental Achaemenid sculpture, the traces of the lion hunt as it evolved in imperial Assyrian times. It is known that the hunting theme in Ancient Persia is absent from the portrayals of the Achaemenid king in the reliefs of the palaces. This absence is not merely because of the state of archaeological discoveries; similarly, there is no evidence of the theme in the royal inscriptions. Given that the hunting imagery was generally conspicuous in the ancient world, we can comprehend the reason why Greek writers felt the need to insert it into their readings of the Achaemenid inscriptions. Onesicritus, for instance, as Strabo (15.3.8) quotes him, indeed has the following text of an inscription on Darius' grave: "as hunter I prevailed". The The hunt, and in particular lion hunting, occupies a problematic and ambiguous place within the Achaemenid court once the Persians succeed the Assyrians (and following the Neo-Babylonians) as dominating a world empire. One attitude can best be described as a deliberate attempt to suppress, in monumental Achaemenid sculpture, the traces of the lion hunt as it evolved in imperial Assyrian times. It is known that the hunting theme in Ancient Persia is absent from the portrayals of the Achaemenid king in the reliefs of the palaces. This absence is not merely because of the state of archaeological discoveries; similarly, there is no evidence of the theme in the royal inscriptions. Given that the hunting imagery was generally conspicuous in the ancient world, we can comprehend the reason why Greek writers felt the need to insert it into their readings of the Achaemenid inscriptions. Onesicritus, for instance, as Strabo (15.3.8) quotes him, indeed has the following text of an inscription on Darius' grave: "as hunter I prevailed". The phrase is either a misunderstanding of the actual legend or intended Greek embroidery. 121 The iconographic and inscriptional silence concerning hunting in the Achaemenid period is unexpected since Neo-Assyrian pictorial inspiration on Persian imagery is evidenced elsewhere. 122 It would seem to be a fair inference that the royal Achaemenid representations purposefully repressed any hint of the theme of the hunt.
The source for this suppression is probably twofold. Firstly, the lion had a religious significance and power in Elam, and among the Iranians at large. As presentations of the Elamite goddess Narundi were influenced by the imagery of the Sumerian, Akkadian, Babylonian and Assyrian goddess of love and war, Inanna/Ishtar, 123 the latter's attribute of the lion was also appropriated by Narundi. This is evidenced in a statue of her throne from Susa (Figure 18). 124 Dedicated by king Puzur-Inshushinak (r. c. 2100 bce), king of Awan and ruler of Susa, this statue has six guarding lions on all sides: at her feet are two reclining lions facing each other; at the back, two standing upright and holding staffs as entrance guardians. 125 A later token of this association between lions and the Mesopotamian goddess is the presence of lions on the walls of the processional street from the Ishtar Gate at Babylon (built 575 BCE). 126 This protective function is noticed in Iran in the gate decoration said to come from ancient Ecbatana (Hamadan), Media, which has a procession of embossed figures of winged lions. 127 A winged lion may serve the same apotropaic purpose in a gold horn rhyton, also said to be from Ecbatana. 128 Another example from Susa is the twelfth-century BCE monumental, 1.3 m in height, glazed terracotta sculpture of a lion (out of an original pair) guarding the entrance to the Temple of Inshushinak (Figure 19). 129 Secondly, in the eastern lands controlled by the Achaemenid monarchy, the lion hunt was perhaps remembered as one of the features of the Assyrian imperial reality and selfrepresentation, and was perhaps identified too closely with it. The grand coalition that defeated Assyria and occupied Nineveh (612 BCE) included Medes and Elamites. It is probable that a few soldiers of these groups were the ones who mutilated some of the Neo-Assyrian royal hunting icons in the reliefs. Two acts of disfigurement in particular involve damage to the grasp the king has of a lion: in one, the tail is hewed ( Figure 15); 130 in the other, the monarch's hands are mutilated, the right one piercing the lion and the left strangling it (Figure 16). 131 In both cases, it would appear that there was an attempt to "free" the lion, as it were, from the Assyrian imperial hold. 132 This would imply an aversion to the hunting iconography. 121 See (Schmitt 1988, p. 29). 122 See (Porada 1965, p. 162;Cremer 1984, pp. 92-95). 123 OIM reg. no. A27903 (acc. no. 2953: black limestone cylinder seal; unknown provenance (mod. Iraq); Akkadian, ca. 3rd mill. BCE): depicting Ishtar-Inanna with foot on back of lion; see (Seidl 1989, p. 139;Watanabe 2002, pp. 90-91;Collins 2009, pp. 23-24). 124 Louvre inv. nos. Sb 54-Sb 6617; see (André-Salvini 1992). 125 A guardian lion also originally appeared on a votive foundation bolder dedicated by Puzur-Inshushinak, designed to protect a building, now in fragments (Louvre inv. no. Sb 6, 177). Only the nose and a claw of the lion at the left side remain (Amiet 1966, pp. 223-29). 126 Cf. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, VA 1392, 1408-56. See (Strawn 2005, p. 224): "the lion lends its protective force to the entirety of the city". 127 INM inv. no. 1392; see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 98, no. 85). 128 INM inv. no. 1321; see (Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 121, no. 118). 129 Louvre inv. no. Sb 2716; see (Amiet 1966, pp. 524-25;Root 2002, p. 200). 130 Central register of Ashurbanipal's hunting relief (BM inv. nos. 124886-87). 131 BM inv. no. 124874; see (Almagor forthcoming). 132 See (Curtis and Reade 1995, no. 28-29). According to (Razmjou 2018, p. 353), Ashurbanipal's lion hunting had such a strong symbolism, that the lions may actually stood in for his enemies in Elam. Secondly, in the eastern lands controlled by the Achaemenid monarchy, the lion hunt was perhaps remembered as one of the features of the Assyrian imperial reality and self-representation, and was perhaps identified too closely with it. The grand coalition that defeated Assyria and occupied Nineveh (612 BCE) included Medes and Elamites. It is probable that a few soldiers of these groups were the ones who mutilated some of the Neo-Assyrian royal hunting icons in the reliefs. Two acts of disfigurement in particular involve damage to the grasp the king has of a lion: in one, the tail is hewed ( Figure 15); 130 in the other, the monarch's hands are mutilated, the right one piercing the lion and the left strangling it (Figure 16). 131 In both cases, it would appear that there was an attempt to "free" the lion, as it were, from the Assyrian imperial hold. 132 This would imply an aversion to the hunting iconography.
This lion's importance to the Iranians would account for its appearance in numerous manifestations throughout Iran. Indeed, as Root (2002, p. 199), aptly describes it, "at Persepolis itself, the lion [...] seems to be everywhere". Lions appear both as freestanding figures and on the reliefs. It may be that the two reclining headless feline grey limestone statues were originally lions, though the first excavators identified them as leopards. 133 Yet, the most obvious example of the guardian lions placed at gates or doorways 134 is the symplegma of the lion attacking a bull repeated on the reliefs of the façades of certain This lion's importance to the Iranians would account for its appearance in numerous manifestations throughout Iran. Indeed, as Root (2002, p. 199), aptly describes it, "at Persepolis itself, the lion [ . . . ] seems to be everywhere". Lions appear both as freestanding figures and on the reliefs. It may be that the two reclining headless feline grey limestone statues were originally lions, though the first excavators identified them as leopards. 133 Yet, the most obvious example of the guardian lions placed at gates or doorways 134 is the symplegma of the lion attacking a bull repeated on the reliefs of the façades of certain Arts 2021, 10, 41 20 of 33 buildings in Persepolis. The lion attacks at the rear, biting the bull's back, while the latter has its head turned back towards the lion. It is found, for example, in the triangle panels flanking the central groups of guards on the southern section of the central façade of the eastern stairway (Figure 20), 135 and in palace H (Figure 21). 136 This is a known iconographic type, which goes back to Mesopotamian and Anatolian art. 137 Several explanations have been suggested for this symbolic struggle, such as the symbolism of good vs. evil (in this case, the lion protects against the perilous bull) or, less likely, a symbolic union (between the powers of the sun and the moon). 138 A reasonable understanding of this symbol is to consider the two animals as tokens of their constellations (Leo, Taurus), indicating their relative positions in the vernal equinox. 139 This date coincides with that of the Zoroastrian New Year (the Nowruz), probably the occasion for the tribute procession depicted in the reliefs. 140 Among the lion artefacts in Persepolis, whose role may be supposed to be apotropaic 141 and are worthy of mention, the following are of note: the decoration of lions on the edges of the royal robes (Figure 22), 142 which may go back to the function fulfilled by the bronze reclining lion-shape pins from ninth-century BCE Hasanlu (level IV) ( Figure 23); 143 a miniature gold lion striding to the right from Persepolis; 144 the three-lion bronze pedestal whose original function is unclear ( Figure 24); 145 and a vessel with leonine legs. 146 Among the lion artefacts in Persepolis, whose role may be supposed to be apotropaic 141 and are worthy of mention, the following are of note: the decoration of lions on stairway, west wing), 126 (Tachara, Palace of Darius), 153a (western stairway, southern end), 159 (Palace of Xerxes), 161 (western stairway, southern flight), 166 (eastern stairway), 169a (eastern stairway), and 203d (Palace H). 136 OIM reg. no. A73100 (fragment of west portion of façade); see (Schmidt 1953, pl. 203).  135 See (Schmidt 1953, pl. 19) (Apadana, eastern stairway); cf. ibid. pls. 20 (eastern stairway, southern section), 53 (northern stairway), 61 (northern stairway, west wing), 62 (Council Hall, main stairway), 66 (main stairway, east wing), 69 (main stairway, west wing), 126 (Tachara, Palace of Darius), 153a (western stairway, southern end), 159 (Palace of Xerxes), 161 (western stairway, southern flight), 166 (eastern stairway), 169a (eastern stairway), and 203d (Palace H). 136 OIM reg. no. A73100 (fragment of west portion of façade); see (Schmidt 1953, pl. 203). 137 For example, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, acc. no. 48.1318 (decorated bronze shield boss; Khorsabad; 8th cent. BCE); see (Hartner 1965, p. 1). 138 See (Root 2002, pp. 201-3). 139 See (Hartner and Ettinghausen 1964, pp. 161-64;Hartner 1965, pp. 15-16): in the starry heaven of c. 4000 BCE, Lion was at Zenith and Taurus invisible below the horizon. 140 See (Herzfeld 1941, p. 251;Schmidt 1953, pp. 83, 107). 141 See (Strawn 2005, pp. 224-25). 142 See (Schmidt 1953, pl. 142a) (Tachara, Palace of Darius, western doorway in the north wall of the main hall). 143 MMA acc. no 61.100.10; see (Marcus 1994, p. 11) (interpreting the ornaments as "symbols of security, providing women with personal protection (magical and physical) both in daily life and in the underworld)"; see (Root 2002, pp. 198-9;Muscarella 2004, p. 707, fig. 11). Sixty such pins have been excavated, mostly in the so-called Burned Building II. 144 INM inv. no. 2351; see (Schmidt 1957, p. 77, fig. 14B; Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 147, no. 190). Cf. the striding lion gold plaque in the BM. inv. no. 132108. 145 IMN old inv. no. PT5 642; see (Schmidt 1957, p. 69, pl. 33;Cahill 1985, p. 384, fig. 2). 146 IMN old inv. no. PT5 10 (green chert tripod bowl with leonine legs; Treasury (Hall 39, Persepolis; Achaemenid, ca. 550-330 BCE); Schmidt 1957, p. 89, pl. 55.3, (intended for ritualistic purposes?).  Among the lion artefacts in Persepolis, whose role may be supposed to be apotropaic 141 and are worthy of mention, the following are of note: the decoration of lions on stairway, west wing), 126 (Tachara, Palace of Darius), 153a (western stairway, southern end), 159 (Palace of Xerxes), 161 (western stairway, southern flight), 166 (eastern stairway), 169a (eastern stairway), and 203d (Palace H). 136 OIM reg. no. A73100 (fragment of west portion of façade); see (Schmidt 1953, pl. 203). 137 For example, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, acc. no. 48.1318 (decorated bronze shield boss; Khorsabad; 8th cent. BCE); see (Hartner 1965, p. 1). 138 See (Root 2002, pp. 201-3). 139 See (Hartner and Ettinghausen 1964, pp. 161-64;Hartner 1965, pp. 15-16): in the starry heaven of c. 4000 BCE, Lion was at Zenith and Taurus invisible below the horizon. 140 See (Herzfeld 1941, p. 251;Schmidt 1953, pp. 83, 107). 141 See (Strawn 2005, pp. 224-25).     See (Schmidt 1953, pls. 115-16, 144-45, 146a-b, 147a, d, 195-96;Root 1979, pp. 81-82, 102-3, 107). 148 See (Schmidt 1953, pl 115a) (south jamb of the southern doorway in the western wall, Throne Hall, Persepolis). 149 See (Schmidt 1953, pl. 147a) (Tachara, Palace of Darius, Persepolis, east jamb of southern doorway of room 16) and pl. 147d (Tachara, Palace of Darius, Persepolis, west jamb of southern doorway of room 5). See (Schmidt 1953, pls. 115-16, 144-45, 146a-b, 147a, d, 195-96;Root 1979, pp. 81-82, 102-3, 107). 148 See (Schmidt 1953, pl 115a) (south jamb of the southern doorway in the western wall, Throne Hall, Persepolis). 149 See (Schmidt 1953, pl. 147a) (Tachara, Palace of Darius, Persepolis, east jamb of southern doorway of room 16) and pl. 147d (Tachara, Palace of Darius, Persepolis, west jamb of southern doorway of room 5). The pose of the figure dispatching a lion on the doorways parallels that of the monarch shown on the Assyrian stamp seals (see above) and reliefs. The Achaemenid motif is adapted in that the animals are now mostly fantastic creatures, 150 and the person is not instantaneously recognized as the monarch, given his strapped shoes and his low headband. 151 It is presumably some form of the "Persian man", of whom an idealized version was represented by the Great King. 152 Some impressions of cylinder seals found in the Treasury of Persepolis depict a hero in clash with a lion 153 or a winged lion (here emphasized as the antagonistic monster). 154 Mostly, the hero struggles against two lions 155 or two winged lions. 156 Incidentally, the imagery of two lions may provide a background for the elements of the story at the beginning of this paper. The image of the hero grasping a lion is ichnographically reminiscent of another hero, the colossal human figure (550 cm in height) from the exterior façade of the throne room of Sargon  in Khorsabad (Figure 27). 157 It is assumed to represent a hero, probably 150 See (Root 1979, pp. 304-8;Kuhrt 2007, p. 2.546). See (Allen 2005, p. 77) on this transformation into an Achaemenid theme. 151 See (Root 1979, p. 304;Allen 2005, p. 77;Kuhrt 2007, p. 2.546). Yet, see (Wiesehöfer 2001, pp. 24, 220). 152 As persuasively suggested by (Root 1979, pp. 305-7). Cf. DNa 4.43-47: "The Persian man has gone forth far". See (Barnett 1957, p. 77 n. 2): "[t]he theme of the lion hunt, treated by the Assyrians as a major subject of narrative art, has shrunk at Persepolis to a formal and unconvincing, almost heraldic single combat between the Persian king, typifying good, and a lion, bull or monster, typifying evil" (Seyer 2007). 153 See (Schmidt 1957, p. 32, no. 37, pl. 11, PT 383;p. 37, no. 59, pl. 13, PT6 168). 154 See (Schmidt 1957, p. 37, no. 60, pl. 13, PT4 401). 155 See (Schmidt 1957, pp. 7, 19, no. 3, pl. 3, PT4 860, PT4 331, p. 21, no. 6, pl. 4, PT4 749, PT4 862, p. 22, no. 8, pl. 5, PT4 471, PT4 549a [two heroes against two lions], p. 23, no. 10, pl. 5, PT4 769, no. 12, pl. 5, PT4 979). 156 See (Schmidt 1957, pp. 7, 18, pl 157 Louvre inv. no. AO 19862 (Palace of Sargon II, Throne Room, façade N); see (Beyer 1990, fig. 23). The pose of the figure dispatching a lion on the doorways parallels that of the monarch shown on the Assyrian stamp seals (see above) and reliefs. The Achaemenid motif is adapted in that the animals are now mostly fantastic creatures, 150 and the person is not instantaneously recognized as the monarch, given his strapped shoes and his low headband. 151 It is presumably some form of the "Persian man", of whom an idealized version was represented by the Great King. 152 Some impressions of cylinder seals found in the Treasury of Persepolis depict a hero in clash with a lion 153 or a winged lion (here emphasized as the antagonistic monster). 154 Mostly, the hero struggles against two lions 155 or two winged lions. 156 Incidentally, the imagery of two lions may provide a background for the elements of the story at the beginning of this paper. The image of the hero grasping a lion is ichnographically reminiscent of another hero, the colossal human figure (550 cm in height) from the exterior façade of the throne room of Sargon  in Khorsabad (Figure 27). 157 It is assumed to represent a hero, probably Gilgamesh. Another similarly colossal (4.5 m in height) figure (Enkidu?), also holds The adaptation of the Neo-Assyrian hunting iconography in a manner which suppresses the instant suggestions of monarchical power, may indicate the significance given to the hunt by the royal and noble families in the Achaemenid period, and how they partially received the Mesopotamian chase of lions as fighting the forces of chaos. One might conclude that the lion hunt was identified with the imperial power of the Assyrians to such an extent that it was forever tainted and branded as repugnant for the elite families in Media, Persia and Elam. The reality was, however, that the lion hunt was practiced by the king and his court. An interesting iconographic display of the ambivalent attitude towards the lion and the hunt is presented in the portrayal of one of the Apadāna delegations and mentioned by Root (2002, pp. 200-1). The Susian (Elamite) delegation (No. II) brings a lioness and two cubs to the monarch, presumably as game to one of his parks ( Figure 28). 160 In contradiction to the other animals brought in the procession (compare the horses above), the lioness is the only one allowed to express emotions, turning her head in anxiety to see her two cubs. This scene captures at once the dual sources of the Achaemenid imperial ideology: the Assyrian imperial one with its emphasis on the royal hunt, and the Elamite and Iranian one, with its attachment to the lion and the awareness of its protective power. 158 Louvre inv. no. AO 19861. 159 See (Cornelius 1989, p. 58;Root 1979, p. 304). 160 See (Schmidt 1953, pl. 28b) (Apadana, Tribute Procession, Eastern Stairway; there is a parallel scene in the northern stairway, but the upper panel is missing). The adaptation of the Neo-Assyrian hunting iconography in a manner which suppresses the instant suggestions of monarchical power, may indicate the significance given to the hunt by the royal and noble families in the Achaemenid period, and how they partially received the Mesopotamian chase of lions as fighting the forces of chaos. One might conclude that the lion hunt was identified with the imperial power of the Assyrians to such an extent that it was forever tainted and branded as repugnant for the elite families in Media, Persia and Elam. The reality was, however, that the lion hunt was practiced by the king and his court. An interesting iconographic display of the ambivalent attitude towards the lion and the hunt is presented in the portrayal of one of the Apadāna delegations and mentioned by Root (2002, pp. 200-1). The Susian (Elamite) delegation (No. II) brings a lioness and two cubs to the monarch, presumably as game to one of his parks ( Figure 28). 160 In contradiction to the other animals brought in the procession (compare the horses above), the lioness is the only one allowed to express emotions, turning her head in anxiety to see her two cubs. This scene captures at once the dual sources of the Achaemenid imperial ideology: the Assyrian imperial one with its emphasis on the royal hunt, and the Elamite and Iranian one, with its attachment to the lion and the awareness of its protective power. Furthermore, the reality in other parts of the Persian Empire was also different. First, in the Oxus Treasure from central Asia, there is a fifth-or fourth-century BCE gold sheath probably a votive offering, adorned with engraved scenes of a lion chase, similar to the Assyrian hunting reliefs (Figure 29). 161 In the upper part, four riders attack lions with spears; in the long narrow part, five horsemen attack lions in a row. Second, in the western parts there are hunting scenes on several royal Achaemenid seals. For instance, the one mentioned above (Figure 5), 162 in which Darius I is in a chariot, shooting arrows at an attacking lion, and is presented as being helped by a figure in a winged disk, most likely Ahura Mazda. The name of Darius, "the Great King", is marked in a trilingual inscription (Old Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian). 163 The provenance of the seal is Thebes in Egypt. The seal displays two lions, and this image too might be reminiscent of the passage at the beginning of this paper. Yet, Porada (1965, p. 176) suggests that the seal in fact shows one and the same lion in two stages, namely, facing the king's chariot and then dead under it. Both the narrative type of the monumental reliefs and the convention to show a fallen enemy or victim beneath the horses drawing the victor's chariot are taken from Assyrian art (Figures 2 and 13). 164 (a) 161 BM inv. no. 123923 (reg. no. 1897161 BM inv. no. 123923 (reg. no. ,1231); see (Dalton 1964, pp. 9-11, no. 22, pl. 9;Stronach 1998;Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 233, no. 431  Furthermore, the reality in other parts of the Persian Empire was also different. First, in the Oxus Treasure from central Asia, there is a fifth-or fourth-century BCE gold sheath probably a votive offering, adorned with engraved scenes of a lion chase, similar to the Assyrian hunting reliefs (Figure 29). 161 In the upper part, four riders attack lions with spears; in the long narrow part, five horsemen attack lions in a row. Second, in the western parts there are hunting scenes on several royal Achaemenid seals. For instance, the one mentioned above (Figure 5), 162 in which Darius I is in a chariot, shooting arrows at an attacking lion, and is presented as being helped by a figure in a winged disk, most likely Ahura Mazda. The name of Darius, "the Great King", is marked in a trilingual inscription (Old Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian). 163 The provenance of the seal is Thebes in Egypt. The seal displays two lions, and this image too might be reminiscent of the passage at the beginning of this paper. Yet, Porada (1965, p. 176) suggests that the seal in fact shows one and the same lion in two stages, namely, facing the king's chariot and then dead under it. Both the narrative type of the monumental reliefs and the convention to show a fallen enemy or victim beneath the horses drawing the victor's chariot are taken from Assyrian art (Figures 2 and 13 Furthermore, the reality in other parts of the Persian Empire was also different. First, in the Oxus Treasure from central Asia, there is a fifth-or fourth-century BCE gold sheath probably a votive offering, adorned with engraved scenes of a lion chase, similar to the Assyrian hunting reliefs (Figure 29). 161 In the upper part, four riders attack lions with spears; in the long narrow part, five horsemen attack lions in a row. Second, in the western parts there are hunting scenes on several royal Achaemenid seals. For instance, the one mentioned above (Figure 5), 162 in which Darius I is in a chariot, shooting arrows at an attacking lion, and is presented as being helped by a figure in a winged disk, most likely Ahura Mazda. The name of Darius, "the Great King", is marked in a trilingual inscription (Old Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian). 163 The provenance of the seal is Thebes in Egypt. The seal displays two lions, and this image too might be reminiscent of the passage at the beginning of this paper. Yet, Porada (1965, p. 176) suggests that the seal in fact shows one and the same lion in two stages, namely, facing the king's chariot and then dead under it. Both the narrative type of the monumental reliefs and the convention to show a fallen enemy or victim beneath the horses drawing the victor's chariot are taken from Assyrian art (Figures 2 and 13). 164 (a) 161 BM inv. no. 123923 (reg. no. 1897161 BM inv. no. 123923 (reg. no. ,1231); see (Dalton 1964, pp. 9-11, no. 22, pl. 9;Stronach 1998;Curtis and Tallis 2005, p. 233, no. 431). 162 Cf. MMA acc. no. 1984.383.25. 163 See (Collon 1995, pp. 129-30, no. 558;Kuhrt 2007, p. 237). 164 BM inv. nos. 124579 and 124532; see (Curtis and Reade 1995, Nos. 5-6).  161 BM inv. no. 123923 (reg. no. 1897161 BM inv. no. 123923 (reg. no. ,1231); see (Dalton 1964, pp. 9-11, no. 22, pl. 9;Stronach 1998;Curtis andTallis 2005, p. 233, no. 431). 162 Cf. MMA acc. no. 1984.383.25. 163 See (Collon 1995, pp. 129-30, no. 558;Kuhrt 2007, p. 237 In Asia Minor, several fifth-and fourth-century BCE "Greco-Persian" gems show portrayals of Persian aristocratic lion hunts. 165 Since these gems were made by Greek artisans, 166 their iconography and its significance were influenced by Greek notions of rivalry and competitiveness among the noble "equals". The hunters are depicted mounted in this Greco-Persian adaptation of the hunting motif. The theme also appears in the Greco-Persian tradition of funerary monuments' hunting friezes, 167 the most famous of which is a specimen created after Alexander, namely, the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus (found in Sidon, now in the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul), which includes a vignette of a lion attacking a horse ( Figure 30). 168  165 See (Boardman 1970, pp. 314-16, pls. 889, 924, 929). Cf. BM inv. no. 89583 (reg. no. N.1082: cylinder seal; S-E Palace, Nimrud; Achaemenid, ca. 550-330 BCE): a rider aims a spear at a rampant lion; BM inv. no. 89816 (reg. no. 1869,0122.10: fragmentary cylinder seal; unknown provenance (Asia); Achaemenid, ca. 5th cent. BCE): a rider turning back in his saddle to aim an arrow (the so-called "Parthian shot"). 166 See (Boardman 1970, pp. 304, 323-26). 167 Reliefs of hunting scenes (of a stag and a boar) on one of the long sides of a fourth-century BCE marble sarcophagus have been recently (1998) discovered within a plundered tumulus at Çan, between Ilion and Dascyleum; see (Sevinç et al. 2001). 168 IAM inv. no. 72; see (Anderson 1985, pp. 70, 78-79;Lane-Fox 1996, pp. 138, 142;Barringer 2001, pp. 200-1;Palagia 2000, pp. 167, 175-84, 191-99). The Macedonian lion hunting, however, was probably practiced prior to the conquest of Persia; see (Hull 1964, pp. 101-2;Anderson 1985, p. 80;Briant 1991;Lane-Fox 1996, pp. 137-39, 143).  (BM inv. no. 123923;reg. no. 1897,1231); armour, gold; found at Takht-i Kuwad (?) (Oxus Treasure), Tajikistan; Achaemenid, ca. 5th cent. BCE (?).
[Images courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London]; (b) line drawing of preceding (as above).
In Asia Minor, several fifth-and fourth-century BCE "Greco-Persian" gems show portrayals of Persian aristocratic lion hunts. 165 Since these gems were made by Greek artisans, 166 their iconography and its significance were influenced by Greek notions of rivalry and competitiveness among the noble "equals". The hunters are depicted mounted in this Greco-Persian adaptation of the hunting motif. The theme also appears in the Greco-Persian tradition of funerary monuments' hunting friezes, 167 the most famous of which is a specimen created after Alexander, namely, the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus (found in Sidon, now in the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul), which includes a vignette of a lion attacking a horse ( Figure 30). 168 In Asia Minor, several fifth-and fourth-century BCE "Greco-Persian" gems show portrayals of Persian aristocratic lion hunts. 165 Since these gems were made by Greek artisans, 166 their iconography and its significance were influenced by Greek notions of rivalry and competitiveness among the noble "equals". The hunters are depicted mounted in this Greco-Persian adaptation of the hunting motif. The theme also appears in the Greco-Persian tradition of funerary monuments' hunting friezes, 167 the most famous of which is a specimen created after Alexander, namely, the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus (found in Sidon, now in the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul), which includes a vignette of a lion attacking a horse ( Figure 30). 168  165 See (Boardman 1970, pp. 314-16, pls. 889, 924, 929). Cf. BM inv. no. 89583 (reg. no. N.1082: cylinder seal; S-E Palace, Nimrud; Achaemenid, ca. 550-330 BCE): a rider aims a spear at a rampant lion; BM inv. no. 89816 (reg. no. 1869,0122.10: fragmentary cylinder seal; unknown provenance (Asia); Achaemenid, ca. 5th cent. BCE): a rider turning back in his saddle to aim an arrow (the so-called "Parthian shot"). 166 See (Boardman 1970, pp. 304, 323-26). 167 Reliefs of hunting scenes (of a stag and a boar) on one of the long sides of a fourth-century BCE marble sarcophagus have been recently (1998) discovered within a plundered tumulus at Çan, between Ilion and Dascyleum; see (Sevinç et al. 2001). 168 IAM inv. no. 72; see (Anderson 1985, pp. 70, 78-79;Lane-Fox 1996, pp. 138, 142;Barringer 2001, pp. 200-1;Palagia 2000, pp. 167, 175-84, 191-99). The Macedonian lion hunting, however, was probably practiced prior to the conquest of Persia; see (Hull 1964  These artefacts and the presence of this iconographic motif testify to the fact that lion hunting in its imperial garb persisted in the reality, if not the ideology displayed in 165 See (Boardman 1970, pp. 314-16, pls. 889, 924, 929). Cf. BM inv. no. 89583 (reg. no. N.1082: cylinder seal; S-E Palace, Nimrud; Achaemenid, ca. 550-330 bce): a rider aims a spear at a rampant lion; BM inv. no. 89816 (reg. no. 1869,0122.10: fragmentary cylinder seal; unknown provenance (Asia); Achaemenid, ca. 5th cent. BCE): a rider turning back in his saddle to aim an arrow (the so-called "Parthian shot"). 166 See (Boardman 1970, pp. 304, 323-26). 167 Reliefs of hunting scenes (of a stag and a boar) on one of the long sides of a fourth-century BCE marble sarcophagus have been recently (1998) discovered within a plundered tumulus at Çan, between Ilion and Dascyleum; see (Sevinç et al. 2001). 168 IAM inv. no. 72; see (Anderson 1985, pp. 70, 78-79;Lane-Fox 1996, pp. 138, 142;Barringer 2001, pp. 200-1;Palagia 2000, pp. 167, 175-84, 191-99).
The Macedonian lion hunting, however, was probably practiced prior to the conquest of Persia; see (Hull 1964, pp. 101-2;Anderson 1985, p. 80;Briant 1991; Lane-Fox 1996, pp. 137-39, 143). monumental sculpture, of the Achaemenid Empire. The hunt was central not only in the royal court but also in the satrapal courts and centers, as described by Xenophon (Cyr. 8.6.10). Moreover, several Greek descriptions also bear witness to the fact that the lion hunt, at least in its representational format, was not suppressed in the western part of the empire. One such depiction is that of a painting of a chase of wild beasts in Semiramis' palace in Babylon, in which the queen is mounted throwing a spear at a leopard and Ninus thrusting a lance into a lion at close quarters. 169 The latter picture resembles the Neo-Assyrian iconography mentioned above. 170 The portrayal is ultimately taken from the fourth-century BCE Ctesias, who is just mentioned in the preceding passages of Diodorus' work. 171 Ctesias, who stayed for a certain period in the Persian heartland 172 as a personal physician to the king Artaxerxes II, may have construed the scenes on the doorjambs in Persepolis or on Achaemenid seals in accordance with his prior acquaintance with the hunting imagery in Asia Minor. The hunt was indeed an important aspect of the real Persian court life, 173 as can be gleaned again from the Greek texts. It was one of the highest honors given to Themistocles, who resided in the king's court, to participate in the hunt and accompany the monarch. 174 The author of the work De Mundo (398a), erroneously attributed to Aristotle, shows the great significance that nobles attached to the hunt in arranging and taking responsibility for some of its features, 175 like being "leaders of war and hunting" (στρατηγoὶ πoλέµων καὶ κυνηγεσίων). The fact that Alexander and his entourage preserved the practice of hunting lions and other animals as well as the symbolism and honor ascribed to it, show that it continued unhindered during the Achaemenid period. 176 Hunting in Achaemenid Persia therefore became a court activity, echoing the previous importance assigned to it as part of the nomadic lifestyle. On the other hand, it reflected the complete transformation of this practice into an artificial and controlled pastime, whose importance lay in the system of honors it apportioned to members of the political and social elite, and which had political implications in its royal/central or satrapal/local settings. 177 To see how much the royal hunt of the sedentary Persians was different from the aristocratic nomadic hunt one need only recall the special protocol used in the royal hunts, which asserted it was the monarch's privilege to throw the first lance at the beast. 178 According to the tale of Megabyzus, as told by Ctesias (FGrH 688 F 14.43), this Persian courtier, while hunting with Artaxerxes I, hit a charging lion with his spear. The story is similar to one at the beginning of this paper, except for the fact that the Great King was enraged at Megabyzus for the apparent slight, since the flouting of court code has impaired the Achaemenid royal ideological association between hunting, courage and rightfulness of the claim to the throne. It is no wonder that Artaxerxes I's response was to command to execute Megabyzus.
Due to this meticulous attention to protocol details, the contrary Persian attempt to underplay the importance of the hunt in monumental sculpture was presumably noticed by the Greeks. A supposed absence of this practice was perceived as indicative of the monarchy's weakness. The ending of Xenophon's Cyropaedia, for instance, although overly rhetorical, highlights the discrepancy between the current decadent state of the Persians and their former rougher condition. The author flags the avoidance of hunting as one of the signs demonstrating the corruption and decay of the Persian Empire: Arts 2021, 10, 41 29 of 33 as submissive slaves, at the same time they may be viewed as uninhibited-specifically their master, the Great King. Thus, on the one hand there is an absence of freedom visible in Persia, on the other hand, an absence of law.
It is intriguing that the Persians themselves maintained some sort of dichotomy in their sense of identity or in their official self-presentation. The split is between what was displayed as the "Mede" and the "Persian"-found in the expression "Persia and Media" in official accounts, 184 and in the reliefs in Persepolis, which portray alternating Mede and Persian figures. 185 The Mede is typically dressed in the so-called hunting or riding costume, 186 while the Persian displays the typical court garb. 187 These are the two sides of the same imperial portrait. The riding costume apparently belongs to the pre-imperial, nomadic, Persian mode of subsistence (roughly corresponding to what the Greeks saw as "hard" life) 188 and the Persian clothing to the sedentary-imperial being (what the Greeks termed 'soft' life). It is quite the reverse of what the Greek authors associate with "Median" and "Persian" existence, namely, that the Medes were overly civilized decadent people as opposed to the rugged Persians. 189 Yet, it is fascinating that the Greeks were accurate in depicting a dichotomy, which the Achaemenid royalty and nobility did maintain in order to preserve aspects that went back to their nomadic way of life.
In this paper, I have tried to show how these two sides of the Persians, perceived as "hard" and "soft" by the Greeks-or rough and decadent-were observable in a twofold attitude towards two significant animals, that is, the horse and the lion. The significance of these two beasts is both symbolic and practical, and has everything to do with that split or dichotomy. I hope to have shown that certain attitudes visible during the Achaemenid Persian period reflected the significant transition in their history, namely from nomadic to sedentary people, and from the margins of the Neo-Assyrian empire to the center of power. I have presented a certain transformation in the meaning of these animals, resulting in a combination of imperial and pre-imperial approaches with regard to the horse and lion. As nomads, the Persians attached great importance to horses in a social context-in which horsemanship was valued and provided a means of legitimacy for the king-in education, as a source of pride and prestige, and in religious rites, where it was sacrificed in honor of the sun. In the Persian sedentary society of the Empire, the horse assumed a different meaning as a symbol of the central power as well as of the means to expand the scale of civilization, for example in the famous postal system. In the case of the lion, the paper displayed a varied attitude, between suppression and continuation of the hunt, which also divided between east and west. As successors of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the Persians continued the practice of imperial lion hunting with its symbolic meaning of overcoming the power of dangerous chaos. Yet, in the eastern monumental representations the hunt is absent, because of ideological reasons going back to the religious significance the lion had for pre-imperial Persians; this importance is rather observable in the numerous other manifestations of the lion in monumental Persian art. The symbolism of these two beasts can be applied onto the Persians themselves. Thus, it can be seen that the latter attempted to preserve both their leonine side, as it were-related to the wild, non-imperial reality, in which the lion had a significant protective power-and their equine aspects, which had to do with both the soft, domesticated, civilized and luxurious life as well as the hard, nomadic mode of existence.
Funding: This research received no external funding.