Marketplace Trade in Large Cities in Poland

Traditional marketplace trade brings many socio-economic benefits: it affects the local labour market, entrepreneurship, and tourism. In many countries, activities are undertaken to support the operation of marketplaces. In recent years, new threats to the development of marketplaces have emerged, such as cheap discount shops, supermarkets, and online shops. The inhabitants of many cities still enjoy shopping at traditional marketplaces. The aim of the research is to assess the development of marketplace trade in large cities in Poland. Eurostat does not provide detailed data on marketplaces in Poland. We decided to fill this gap. Additionally, we assessed the attractiveness of large cities in Poland in terms of the development of marketplace trade in the years 2008–2019 by means of linear ordering of objects (Hellwig’s composite measure of development). In the years 1995–2019, the number of marketplaces in Poland remained at a constant level, but since 2003 their area has decreased. However, the total number of marketplaces has increased compared to 1995. In the whole research period, Kraków and Katowice were the most attractive cities with respect to the development of the marketplace trade, while Gdańsk and Sosnowiec were the least attractive. The high position of Kraków results from the nature of the city and its tourist attractions, while the low position of Sosnowiec is caused by the existence of a large bazaar in nearby city of Będzin.


Introduction
Market squares have always been an indispensable part of Polish towns. Networks of streets and buildings have been created around them [1]. They were the focal point of settlements [2]. The subject of marketplaces is discussed and researched in various fields of science: geography, architecture, sociology, and economics. In Poland, geographical studies on marketplace trade were conducted as early as in the 1930s [3]. However, this topic was developed only after the Second World War, and the importance of this research increased again in the 1990s. It was a period of development of private entrepreneurship in Poland, which influenced the creation of numerous border bazaars generating considerable income for the cities.
Even during the period of the centrally controlled economy, the market squares functioned quite well. This was the case in most of the Eastern Bloc countries. The monopoly of state foreign trade was always accompanied by some form of the 'people's trade', the importance of which grew with the removal of restrictions on travel and work abroad [4]. Markets initially played the role of supplying the population with agricultural products, but already in the 1960s and 1970s it became increasingly possible to buy goods unavailable in Polish shops and sought-after foreign goods there. After the political and economic transformation of 1989, the trade activity of Poles increased, which resulted in an intensive increase in trade on market squares. The collapse of communism in Eastern European post-communist countries resulted in an expansion in the number and types of open-air markets [5]. Since 1989, the Polish retail sector has undergone structural and behavioural changes [6] The number of marketplaces increased until the mid-1990s. This was related to the development of the phenomenon called trade tourism, particularly visible in the

Literature Review
Marketplaces used to play a fundamental role as venues for commercial activity and town meetings [17][18][19]. However, due to strong competition with supermarkets and the lack of recognition of their importance by local authorities across Europe [20][21][22], they are experiencing an increasing decline. The European Union launched the URBACT Markets project in 2013 to 'understand and explore the role of urban markets as key agents of change for local economic development, regeneration and sustainable living'. Markets facilitate improvised and spontaneous collaboration between people. They provide a sense of the life and 'soul' of a city [19,23]. They bring together people from different social, cultural, and economic backgrounds and so can play an inclusive role and support inclusive city life. In the past, cities and markets were inextricably linked and dependent on each other. Cities provided the location, demand, and social environment, while markets provided provision, profit, and culture [17,24]. Cities managed markets and levied taxes. However, markets were also perceived as chaotic spaces, difficult to manage and a burden on residents [20]. Local marketplaces have traditionally been considered local generators of large amounts of waste [25]. Authorities had to both streamline and limit the market. They often preferred market halls, which were easier to control in terms of prices, quality, and hygiene standards [26]. During the industrial era, the importance of the marketplaces declined even further due to competition from department stores and later also supermarkets that were easier to control. Local authorities gradually stopped supporting marketplaces [27,28]. However, in recent decades we can see a revival of their development. There is a process of revitalisation of markets to adapt them to modern sanitation requirements and to changes associated with urban expansion [29]. Farmers' and artisan markets are emerging alongside other traditional markets in cities across the United States and Europe [20]. They are being rediscovered by relatively affluent customers who are interested in local, environmentally friendly, and organic goods [16]. Increasingly, marketplaces are considered to support economic activity and public health by providing affordable, fresh, and healthy food [26,30]. Marketplaces also play an important social role. They convey a sense of authenticity by offering opportunities to experience local people and products [26] (p. 57). They can be cultural heritage sites [31], conveying local history, culture, and tradition. As such, they are in many cases a tourist attraction [32,33]. Marketplaces share some common characteristics around the world [34] and social codes of conduct are known [18]. City governments see markets as targeting immigrant integration [22] and intercultural relations [35]. The greatest benefit of marketplaces for communities is that they bring people together. This points to what we call the integrative potential of the marketplaces. For older people and newcomers, the marketplace is a keyway of maintaining social relationships [22]. For these people, having a place where they can meet and communicate generates a sense of belonging and attachment [18]. Research by Schappo and van Melik [36] shows that the marketplaces can certainly serve as meeting places for a diverse population, but achieving their full inclusive potential still requires some kind of commitment from the government.
Bareja-Wawryszuk and Gołębiewski [37] analyse the economic functions of trade on marketplaces in the context of local food system development. They conclude that the dynamic development of retail infrastructure in Poland since the 1990s (shopping centres, supermarkets, and hypermarkets) has changed the importance of retail trade for marketplaces. Nevertheless, in both food and non-food trade, markets are still an important addition to the retail infrastructure in local markets. Sales on markets, in the case of medium and large enterprises, can complement or expand existing distribution areas. For small enterprises, markets have a relatively low economic risk. They can become a primary place for part-time employment.
In their study, Płaziak and Szymańska [38,39] analyse market trade in Kraków. In 2015, there were 27 permanent market areas located on municipal and private land. The city authorities appreciate the role of market areas in shaping the urban structure and the special atmosphere of the city with unique tourist values. The character of Polish, and therefore Kraków's, fairgrounds has changed. There are fewer and fewer agricultural and craft products, and more and more clothes, all kinds of foodstuffs, household detergents, cosmetics, etc. These are usually sold by individual businessmen, who often run family businesses. Entrepreneurs running businesses in the fairgrounds express a sense of instability. According to them, the number of people shopping at marketplaces is decreasing, mainly due to increasing competition from more and more supermarkets, hypermarkets, and discount shops. The propensity to shop at marketplaces as well as small local retail shops increases with the age of the customer. The popularity of shopping in shopping centres and online is increasing in younger age groups. Shoppers who prefer shopping centres also like going to hyper-and supermarkets and are shopping online. Customers shopping at marketplaces prefer the availability of fresh products, low prices, and the possibility of direct contact with the seller. Markets should receive special attention from the city authorities as places that reflect the history of the city and as special public places-a place of authentic meetings between users of urban space. They are of great importance for certain social groups, in particular the elderly, who appreciate quiet shopping in an area where they can meet people they know. It is important that local authorities adopt appropriate policies to attract entrepreneurs and farmers to such places for business purposes.
An equally important marketplace trading region in Poland is the area around the city of Łódź, which for many years was a symbol of the textile industry in Poland. The best known is the Ptak Shopping Centre-located in Rzgów near Łódź. It is the largest clothing and textile trade centre in Poland and one of the largest in Europe. The second well-known marketplace is the textile market Tuszyn. It enjoys great popularity throughout Central Europe. Van der Velde and Marcińczak [40] analyse the impact of political changes on the development of marketplaces. The region of Lódź was for many years burdened with the powerful legacy of its socialist past. After the political transformation, many small and medium enterprises have been established for which local marketplaces are the ideal outlets. The development of this region is strongly linked to the changing systems on the border, especially on the eastern border. The initial success of marketplaces important for the regional economy was related to the openness of borders in the first years of economic transformation. Poland's accession to the EU, and later to the Schengen area, led to a decrease in the flow of customers from across the eastern border: from Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine. This situation has greatly facilitated the expansion of Asian companies in this area.
Swietlik [41] analyses changes in trade at marketplaces in Poland between 2008 and 2018. After a period of dynamic development between 2000 and 2008, between 2008 and 2018 there was a significant decline in the number and area of marketplaces. They have been displaced from urban space by discount shops and supermarkets. Government programmes have been introduced to revitalise marketplaces and institutional solutions have been introduced to make it easier for farmers to sell food products produced on their own farms. Consumers are paying increasing attention to health issues. More and more of them see the benefits of buying food at marketplaces not only for themselves but also for the environment. With these considerations in mind, we can safely conclude that in the coming years, trade in marketplaces in Poland will gain popularity and increase its share in food retail trade. The author points to the lack of reliable data on marketplace trade. The Statistics Poland data does not always reflect the reality.
Klima and Zajączkowski [42] analysed the development of marketplaces in Poland in 1995-2006. They divided the voivodeships into three groups. The first group contains the following ones: Lubuskie, Warmińsko-Mazurskie, Podlaskie,Świętokrzyskie, Opolskie and Podkarpackie. They are characterised by a small number of marketplaces with a small trading area and many sales points in one marketplace. These are the voivodeships, where retail trade has never played an important role than regional or local trade, the voivodeships with a low level of economic development, and the voivodeships where the number of marketplaces is decreasing or remains at the same low level. In the second group there are the following voivodeships: Kujawsko-Pomorskie, Lubelskie, Małopolskie, Pomorskie, Dolnośląskie, Mazowieckie and Zachodniopomorskie. They have reached an average level in all the distinguished categories. These are the voivodeships, in which usually no major changes in this type of trade are observed, and the voivodeships in which marketplace trade played a very important role in the past, but due to political and legal changes there was a sudden stop or even a decrease in its development. The third and last group includes the Łódzkie, Wielkopolskie andŚląskie voivodeships, where there are large numbers of marketplaces, large trading areas, and a small number of sales points per marketplace. These are the voivodeships where this type of retail trade has always played an important role in the region and where the development of retail trade in the market continues or where all the characteristics studied in these provinces are at the same high level. We can even say that the retail trade in these regions is a tradition built up year after year. This is mainly due to the favourable location on the most important, both historically and in modern times, Polish trade routes.
Chmieliński and Hamulczuk [43] analyse the importance and territorial differentiation of marketplaces (so-called open-air markets) in Poland based on Eurostat data and Polish public statistical data. They apply the correlation, regression, and principal component analysis methods. Obtained results indicate that the sales area of open-air marketplaces in Poland per 1000 inhabitants is highly diversified in particular regions. The level of analysed variable is higher in regions with a lower level of economic growth, higher inflation rate, and higher unemployment rate. The number of large-format shops per 1000 inhabitants, population density, and the degree of marketability of agricultural produce also had a negative impact on the area of marketplaces. Interestingly, the area of permanent market squares in particular voivodeships is positively correlated with the number of retail shops on their territory, which is associated with the level of entrepreneurship among the population of that area.

Materials and Methods
In Eurostat we found only limited information on marketplaces in Europe and Poland. Therefore, we use data from the Local Data Bank of Statistics Poland (Polish abbreviation: GUS) for our main analysis. According to the definition adopted there, a marketplace is "a separate area or structure (square, street, market hall) with permanent or seasonal small-retail sales points or facilities intended for trade every day or on designated days of the week". We can distinguish the following types of marketplaces: • permanent marketplaces, i.e., "a separate area or structure (square, street, market hall) with fixed retail outlets, open daily or on fixed days, open throughout the calendar year, possibly with interruptions due to reasons such as renovation, temporary lack of staff (due to holidays or illness), or periodic stock-taking". • seasonal marketplaces, i.e., "a separate area or structure (square, street, market hall) where retail outlets are set up for a period of up to six months in connection with increased customer traffic (e.g., coastal holiday traffic) and where these activities are repeated in the subsequent seasons".
The biggest competition for marketplaces is the large-format shops. According to the terminology adopted by Statistics Poland, they include: • supermarket-a shop with a sales area from 400 m 2 to 2499 m 2 , which sells mainly using the self-service system and offers a wide range of food and non-food products of frequent purchase. • hypermarket-a shop with a sales area of at least 2500 m 2 , which sells mainly in the self-service system and offers a wide range of food and non-food products for frequent purchase, usually with a car park. • department store-a multi-department (at least two branch divisions) shop with a sales area from 600 m 2 to 1999 m 2 selling goods of a similar assortment to a shopping centre. • shopping centre-a multi-department shop with a sales area of at least 2000 m 2 , which sells a wide and versatile range of non-food and often food products: it may also have ancillary catering and service activities. In order to prepare the ranking of large Polish cities, we use a composite measure of development. There are many methods of constructing such a measure. We can divide them into pattern-free (additive or multiplicative) and pattern methods (using the distance from a pattern or anti-pattern). The best-known pattern-free methods include the aggregated arithmetic mean calculated for normalised values of the variables (AV) [44]. This method is also known in decision theory as the simple additive weighting (SAW) method [45] (pp. [40][41]. Amongst the pattern methods we can distinguish the following: Z. Hellwig's composite measure of development [46], based on the distance of objects from the pattern and the TOPSIS (Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution) method, developed on the basis of decision theory [47]. This method is based on the distance of objects from the pattern and anti-pattern.
We rank the cities by using Hellwig's composite measure of development (Polish abbreviation: SMR). This measure was proposed by Hellwig [46,48,49]. It is used in many economic and social studies [50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57][58]. The stages of construction of a composite measure of development are as follows [44,59]: The starting point is the observation matrix X = x ij : where: x ij -value of the j-th variable in the i-th object, m-number of objects, n-number of variables. Variables describing the objects belong to one of three types: stimulants, for which the highest possible value is desirable; destimulants, for which the lowest possible value is desirable; and nominants, for which a specific value is desirable. Before proceeding any further, all nominant variables must be transformed into stimulants. As our dataset does not contain any nominants, this step is skipped.

2.
The values of each variable should be normalised in order to strip them of units and present each on the same scale. The original application of the composite measure of development involved the use of the standard score. Therefore, we use this method: where: x j -mean value of the j-th variable, S j -standard deviation of the j-th variable, z ij -normalised value of the j-th variable in the i-th object.
After normalisation, we obtain the normalised observation matrix Z = z ij : Land 2021, 10, 933 The normalised values of the variables form the coordinates of the pattern by means of the following formula: 3.
We calculate the Euclidean distances of each object from the pattern:

4.
We determine the value of the composite variable for each object:

5.
We rank the objects in descending order of the value of the composite variable. In our research, we assume that all variables have equal weight.

Results
In terms of the number of companies trading in marketplaces, Poland ranked third in Europe in 2019 (31,168 companies). However, if the number of inhabitants is considered, there were about 64 such companies per 100,000 inhabitants in the European Union. In Poland, this number was above average-about 82 companies, which puts it in 7th place. Figure 1 shows the structure of selected European countries by the number of firms trading on marketplaces per 100,000 inhabitants in 2019.
The normalised values of the variables form the coordinates of the pattern by means of the following formula: = max for the stimulant variables min for the destimulant variables .
3. We calculate the Euclidean distances of each object from the pattern: 4. We determine the value of the composite variable for each object: 5. We rank the objects in descending order of the value of the composite variable.
In our research, we assume that all variables have equal weight.

Results
In terms of the number of companies trading in marketplaces, Poland ranked third in Europe in 2019 (31,168 companies). However, if the number of inhabitants is considered, there were about 64 such companies per 100,000 inhabitants in the European Union. In Poland, this number was above average-about 82 companies, which puts it in 7th place. Figure 1 shows the structure of selected European countries by the number of firms trading on marketplaces per 100,000 inhabitants in 2019.  We analyse the Polish cities with more than 200,000 inhabitants. According to the population as of 31 December 2019, there were sixteen such cities in Poland. Figure 2 shows the distribution of these cities in Poland. We analyse the Polish cities with more than 200,000 inhabitants. According to the population as of 31 December 2019, there were sixteen such cities in Poland. Figure 2 shows the distribution of these cities in Poland. -the number of large shops (hyper-and supermarkets, department stores, and shopping centres).
Before ranking large cities in Poland with respect to their attractiveness for marketplace trade, we present some background information for the whole of Poland (Figures 3-6). Data from Statistics Poland (Local Data Bank, LDB) indicate that in 1995-2019, the number of marketplaces in the whole of Poland remained stable, while since 2003 their area has decreased. However, the total number of marketplaces or places on streets and squares for seasonal sales has increased as compared to 1995 (Figure 3). It is the large cities where traditional marketplace trade must compete with modern shopping centres. Smaller towns, especially in the south and east of Poland, still have small bazaars. This is due to the fact that large retail chains and hypermarkets first entered the big cities. Nowadays, discount shops are also established in smaller towns, which may reduce the role of the marketplace trade there in the future as well. We describe the attractiveness of cities in terms of market trade development by means of five variables: x 1 -the number of permanent marketplaces, x 2 -the number of seasonal marketplaces, x 3 -total marketplace area (m 2 ), x 4 -annual revenue from all marketplaces (in thous. PLN), x 5 -the number of large shops (hyper-and supermarkets, department stores, and shopping centres).
Before ranking large cities in Poland with respect to their attractiveness for marketplace trade, we present some background information for the whole of Poland (Figures 3-6). Data from Statistics Poland (Local Data Bank, LDB) indicate that in 1995-2019, the number of marketplaces in the whole of Poland remained stable, while since 2003 their area has decreased. However, the total number of marketplaces or places on streets and squares for seasonal sales has increased as compared to 1995 (Figure 3).
The reason for the decrease in the area of marketplaces may be the newly created shopping malls and hotels displacing marketplaces from attractively located areas.  The reason for the decrease in the area of marketplaces may be the newly created shopping malls and hotels displacing marketplaces from attractively located areas.      The reason for the decrease in the area of marketplaces may be the newly created shopping malls and hotels displacing marketplaces from attractively located areas. Figure  4 shows      The reason for the decrease in the area of marketplaces may be the newly created shopping malls and hotels displacing marketplaces from attractively located areas. Figure  4 shows     Marketplace fees supply the budget of municipalities and can be a serious source of their income (Figure 6). In 1998 the annual revenue from the marketplace fee on permanent and seasonal marketplaces in total amounted to over 280 million PLN in Poland. In the following years, these revenues decreased to about 189 million PLN (2019), which could be caused by the decreasing area of marketplaces. Starting from 2016, some municipalities in Poland, in order to support small entrepreneurship and maintain marketplaces on their territory, used the opportunity to waive the collection of the marketplace fee. We use the variables x1 to x5 at the city level to calculate the composite measure of marketplace development and the ranking of cities. As the examined cities often differ considerably in terms of their population, we therefore express each variable per 1000 inhabitants of the respective city. Of the mentioned variables, the first four are the stimulants, i.e., the higher their value, the better from the point of view of the attractiveness of marketplace trade. On the other hand, the last variable (the number of large-format shops) is considered a destimulant, i.e., from the point of view of marketplace trade it is desirable to have as low a value as possible.
Before further proceeding, we analyse the correlations between the analysed variables. In most cases, the correlations between them in all years are weak or very weak. Only the correlation strength between the annual revenues and the number of permanent and seasonal marketplaces was moderate and, in some years, strong. Therefore, we checked the rankings with and without the variable x4. The results were mostly the same. There were some differences in the middle of the rankings, but the best and the worst positions are the same.
We use the variables x 1 to x 5 at the city level to calculate the composite measure of marketplace development and the ranking of cities. As the examined cities often differ considerably in terms of their population, we therefore express each variable per 1000 inhabitants of the respective city. Of the mentioned variables, the first four are the stimulants, i.e., the higher their value, the better from the point of view of the attractiveness of marketplace trade. On the other hand, the last variable (the number of large-format shops) is considered a destimulant, i.e., from the point of view of marketplace trade it is desirable to have as low a value as possible.
Before further proceeding, we analyse the correlations between the analysed variables. In most cases, the correlations between them in all years are weak or very weak. Only the correlation strength between the annual revenues and the number of permanent and seasonal marketplaces was moderate and, in some years, strong. Therefore, we checked the rankings with and without the variable x 4 . The results were mostly the same. There were some differences in the middle of the rankings, but the best and the worst positions are the same.
We present the rankings of the large cities in Poland with respect to their attractiveness for marketplace trade development in 2008-2019 in Table 1.
The . The high position of Kraków is influenced by the fact that in the analysed period it is the city with the highest number of seasonal marketplaces and the highest annual income from marketplace fees, as well as a relatively low (per 1000 inhabitants) area of large-format shops. This is due to the nature of the city and its tourist attractiveness. In the historic districts there have been small shops and traditional market squares and single stalls for tens or even hundreds of years, which are visited by numerous tourists. The low position of Sosnowiec is influenced by the lack of seasonal marketplaces in the analysed period and one of the lowest among the analysed cities number of permanent marketplaces (per 1000 inhabitants) and relatively (per 1000 inhabitants) high area of supermarkets. The low position of Gdańsk, which like Kraków is a big tourist attraction, may be a bit surprising. This result is certainly influenced by the fact that in Gdańsk, instead of individual stalls, there are numerous small shops and in the period 2008-2019 there was the lowest number of permanent markets and, in addition, a very small market area (per 1000 inhabitants).

Discussion
It is worth discussing the obtained ranking of large cities in the context of the results of the grouping of provinces described in Klima and Zajączkowski [42]. The obtained discrepancies present the location of marketplaces in Poland in a good way. The differences result first of all from the fact that in the presented analysis we consider only cities above 200,000 inhabitants. These are the centres where the development of marketplaces is particularly threatened. Large cities are the places where the competitive shopping malls are created. On the one hand, this competition concerns the retail offer, while on the other hand there is a desire to take over attractively located market areas for housing development. In the voivodeships evaluated the worst in terms of the development of marketplace trade (Lubuskie, Opolskie, Podkarpackie,Świętokrzyskie, Kujawsko-Pomorskie), there are no cities with more than 200 thousand inhabitants. Therefore, these voivodeships are not represented in or study. Klima and Zajączkowski [42] rank the following voivodeships highest: Łódzkie, Wielkopolskie andŚląskie. In the ranking of large cities, Łódź ranks in the middle. The high position of the whole voivodeship is influenced by marketplaces located in smaller towns, e.g., in Tuszyn and Rzgów. The high position ofŚląskie is consistent with the high position of Katowice and Częstochowa. On the other hand, the position of Sosnowiec is low. It should be noted that one of the biggest marketplaces in Poland is located outside of Sosnowiec-in Będzin. The position of Wielkopolskie Voivodeship is also high, despite the fact that the position of Poznan in the ranking has fallen considerably. The high rating of this voivodeship is influenced by numerous marketplaces located in smaller towns such as Koło, Pyzdry, Wieleń, Stawiszyn, Łobżenica, Grodziec, Wągrowiec, Szamotuły and Oborniki Wielkopolskie. For many years the best conditions for the development of marketplace trade have been in Kraków, even though the whole of Małopolskie voivodship is rated as average.
The maintenance of marketplaces in large cities is very important in order to maintain the balance of power in the food chain [37]. The growth of food market sales means that the consumers are buying more food from nearby local sources, which means that more of the income they spend stays in the local community. The development of short supply chains can increase the bargaining power of farmers and inhibit the negative effects of globalisation and concentration of the food sector. Our analysis is in line with the research carried out byŚwietlik [41]. After a period of dynamic development between 2000 and 2008, the market trade in Poland has entered a phase of decline. In 2008-2018, there was a significant decline in the number and area of street marketplaces, displaced from urban space by discount shops and supermarkets. The author points out that the government programmes aimed at revitalising street markets and institutional solutions aimed at facilitating farmers selling food products produced on their own farms have temporarily halted this process but have not reversed the general trend.
The orientation of marketplaces and bazaars in large Polish cities towards tourism can be seen on tourist internet portals. On the websites of Polish cities, the most famous marketplaces are described, the assortment is indicated and often the driving directions are given [60][61][62][63][64]. Importantly, these sites are also prepared in English or German languages, which indicates a targeting of foreign tourists as well. Open-air flea markets, as well as the marketplaces with local industrial and food products dominate here. This shows that the large cities are also interested in maintaining markets as tourist attractions. Such activities support local entrepreneurship as well as local farmers. They allow small entrepreneurs to make profits and the inhabitants to shop in their favourite places.
Morales [65,66], in his research on Chicago, notes that market and street trading in the US is used to alleviate unemployment during periods of economic instability. Unfortunately, it is often a source of corruption and vice. Public markets were recognised and established by governments to ameliorate shocks in urban systems resulting from inadequate access to food, unemployment, and immigration. He argues that historically marketplaces have served multiple functions, and today they are likely to be underutilised. Today, the number of marketplaces in the United States is growing rapidly. This growth confirms the long history of marketplaces and signals their re-emergence as tools of planning practice. A similar importance of marketplaces is noticeable in Poland. The decline in the number and size of marketplaces in large cities seems to have stopped. Most importantly, the local authorities want to help to maintain them because of the important socio-economic role they play.
The protection of traditional urban markets is in line with the issue of urban sustainability. It is important to manage the city and organise its public space in such a way as to ensure its sustainability. Metaxas et al. [67], analysing the economic development of Madrid (Spain), emphasise that the implementation of sustainable city marketing strategies improves the competitiveness of the city and the quality of life of its inhabitants. Similar conclusions are reached by Deffner et al. [68], who analysed the development of the two Greek cities Larissa and Kozani. In the context of our study, planning the development of urban marketplaces is an important task for municipal authorities and should be part of the creation of sustainable urban development strategies. Placing too much emphasis on one aspect of urban development at the expense of another can significantly upset this balance [69].

Conclusions
Marketplaces are a frequent subject of scientific studies and analyses. Poland is in second place in the EU in terms of the share of marketplace trade in total retail trade. Poles seem to be greater supporters of bazaars than other EU citizens-they buy food, clothing, and footwear there more often than the others. Due to threats related to the emergence and development of large-format shops and shrinking space of traditional marketplaces, questions arise about the future of this form of trade. It seems, however, that they still enjoy consumer interest, although not as much as in the past. Indeed, customers of bazaars, especially the elderly ones, value the greater availability of fresh products, direct contact with the seller who can inform one about the origin of the product, lower prices, and the possibility to negotiate them [39].
Large bazaars also operate in highly developed EU countries and differ from Polish ones in that they are more regionally oriented [7]. The development of the marketplace trade in Poland might follow this direction. An example is the high position of Kraków in the ranking. In the case of this city, the great importance of marketplace trade is connected to the sale of traditional products, and it is mainly oriented towards tourists. Apart from this, the historic centre of Kraków is not being radically changed. The location of the old marketplaces seems to be unthreatened. Certainly, the role of bazaars as the places for trading in foreign goods or goods unavailable in shops is completely disappearing. Although the number of marketplaces is slightly decreasing, new or modernised ones are being built and market squares will continue to be an inseparable part of urban space. The role of marketplace trade in Poland in large cities is declining, but its importance in smaller towns and cities remains. It is there that huge bazaars still operate, frequented by residents of large cities and visitors from outside Poland.
The changes introduced in the management of large cities since 2016, consisting in the abandonment of the collection of a marketplace fee on city marketplaces, prove that the local authorities are interested in their further operation. Our study shows in which of the big cities in Poland the conditions are more or less favourable for the development of this type of activity. The research contains important remarks for the local authorities.
Existing incentives for small market traders could be extended to other types of reliefs to ensure the survival of traditional open-air marketplaces. The results also provide important information for the traders. They show in which large cities in Poland it is worthwhile to plan activities on bazaars and in which there are various difficulties to be reckoned with.
The analysis of the marketplace trade for the whole country is relatively rare in the literature. Very often such analyses concern specific marketplaces or single cities. Our analysis allows for comparison between the attractiveness of cities in terms of the development of traditional trade in several of the largest Polish cities. It also explains their place in the ranking.
Socio-economic changes take place faster in big cities than in small towns and in the countryside. That is why our study in the first stage concerns the largest Polish cities. This is where large-format shops and Internet access that increase the development of e-commerce were created the fastest. The economic effects of the systemic transformation were visible faster in the cities. The next stage of our research will be the analysis of the development of the marketplace trade in smaller towns and in the countryside.

Conflicts of Interest:
The authors declare no conflict of interest.