Spatiotemporal Analysis of Size and Equity in Ownership Dynamics of Agricultural Landholdings in India Vis- à -Vis the World

: The increasing threat to sustainable agriculture is a major concern of planners worldwide. Human population growth together with increasing food requirements and competition for land use is leading to land scarcity for agricultural purposes. Farm size inﬂuences the extent of the adoption of mechanization and modern methods of farm management practices, which in turn results in increased productivity, production efﬁciency and agricultural income. We studied changes in macroeconomic factors such as dependency on agriculture, growth of the sector, the pattern of landholdings and tenure rights across major agriculturally important countries, as well as the priority of agriculture for the national economy (i.e., the share of agriculture in the national income) and its relationship to changes in farm size. The data on the percentage of area under farming, population growth, size of the agricultural workforce and other social dimensions from 24 countries of different geographical sizes were analysed. We used parameters such as the extent of changes in cropland, family-owned land, the agricultural workforce and their productivity, number of holdings and their distribution, women-headed holdings and ﬁnally total and per capita agricultural income, and measured the changes over time and space. The published data from national and international sources were used to establish the relationship between farm size and farm efﬁciency measured through the selected parameters. The results clearly establish that the size of farm holdings had an inverse relationship with the population dependent on agriculture, share of agriculture in national income and tenure rights. Australia had the largest average agricultural landholding (3243 ha), while India and Bangladesh had the lowest (1.3 and 0.3 ha, respectively). The inequality in the distribution of farmland ownership was greater in developed countries than in developing countries. Female farmland ownership was less than 20% in most developing countries and the relationship between the number of farm households and farm outcomes was found to have weakened over time. India, a developing as well as an agriculturally important country, was subjected to detailed analysis to understand the spatiotemporal dynamics of the size, distribution and ownership patterns of agricultural landholding.


Introduction
Globally, human population growth together with increasing food requirements and competitive land use is leading to land scarcity for agriculture and other uses [1]. Around 2.5 billion of the rural population are dependent on agriculture for their livelihoods. Agriculture constitutes the backbone of the economy in both developed and developing countries. Agricultural land area has increased in the world from 4.47 billion ha (1961) to 4.80 billion ha in 2017 [2]. Agricultural landholdings show a wide diversity across geographic regions [3]. Fragmented ownership of farmland is an important underlying 3.1.1. Agricultural Land Historically, after civilizations introduced the systematic management of land for cultivating crops and rearing livestock, agriculture became the major land use category. In the current study, where countries were classified into three categories based on geographical area, agricultural importance and extent of the area devoted to agriculture, the share of agricultural land in the total geographical area of the selected countries was found to range between 7 and 83% ( Figure 1). The world average of the percentage shares of agriculture area to the total geographical area during 2016 was 37% (Figure 2). India, the seventh-largest country in terms of geographical area, had the largest extent of its total area (60%) devoted to agriculture, followed by other large countries like China (56%), Argentina (54%), the USA (48%) and Australia (48%). Russia, the leading country in terms of geographical area, had only 13% of its land devoted to agriculture. Among smaller countries, which have a significantly higher area devoted to agriculture (>70%), Uruguay ranked first with 83% of its total area devoted to agriculture, followed by Saudi Arabia (81%), Kazakhstan (80%) and South Africa (80%). Ten countries account for 53% of the total agricultural area in the world ( Figure 2). China, the USA and Australia are the leading countries in terms of agricultural area. Such a concentration of agricultural land among a few countries provides them a competitive edge in trade and markets.
Globally, the switch from expansion to intensification of input use, which is seen as the primary strategy for increasing crop production, has reduced the demand for land conversion by over 1 billion hectares since the early 1960s [21]. Among the countries with large geographical areas, such as in China, Brazil, India and Argentina, a significant (p < 0.05) increase in the extent of agricultural land has been observed over the last 55 years ( Table 1). The long-term rate of growth was the highest (almost 1% per annum) in Brazil, followed by China, placing them among the world's top five producers and exporters of agricultural products [22], which has been achieved by bringing forest and fallow lands under cultivation. In developed countries like the USA, Canada and Australia, the growth rate of agricultural land expansion was negative, yet the growth in yields and intensified agricultural practices has compensated for this loss. Further, the expansion of arable land in the whole world (155 million hectares, accounting for 11% of the world's geographical area) occurred mostly 1961-1963 and 1997-1999, and is the net result of countervailing trends, i.e., the accelerated growth rate in developing countries coupled with a marginal decline in developed nations [23].

Global Status of Agriculture Landholding
Land ownership is a key factor in creating an enabling environment that promotes agricultural productivity and sustainable growth. Secure land rights lead to increased agricultural productivity by providing incentives to invest in land and crop improvements, increasing opportunities for poor families to access financial services and government programmes, and creating the space needed for more optimal land use.

Agricultural Land
Historically, after civilizations introduced the systematic management of land for cultivating crops and rearing livestock, agriculture became the major land use category. In the current study, where countries were classified into three categories based on geographical area, agricultural importance and extent of the area devoted to agriculture, the share of agricultural land in the total geographical area of the selected countries was found to range between 7 and 83% ( Figure 1). The world average of the percentage shares of agriculture area to the total geographical area during 2016 was 37% ( Figure 2). India, the seventh-largest country in terms of geographical area, had the largest extent of its total area (60%) devoted to agriculture, followed by other large countries like China (56%), Argentina (54%), the USA (48%) and Australia (48%). Russia, the leading country in terms of geographical area, had only 13% of its land devoted to agriculture. Among smaller countries, which have a significantly higher area devoted to agriculture (>70%), Uruguay ranked first with 83% of its total area devoted to agriculture, followed by Saudi Arabia (81%), Kazakhstan (80%) and South Africa (80%). Ten countries account for 53% of the total agricultural area in the world ( Figure 2). China, the USA and Australia are the leading countries in terms of agricultural area. Such a concentration of agricultural land among a few countries provides them a competitive edge in trade and markets.   Globally, the switch from expansion to intensification of input use, which is seen as the primary strategy for increasing crop production, has reduced the demand for land conversion by over 1 billion hectares since the early 1960s [21]. Among the countries with large geographical areas, such as in China, Brazil, India and Argentina, a significant (p < 0.05) increase in the extent of agricultural land has been observed over the last 55 years ( Table 1). The long-term rate of growth was the highest (almost 1% per annum) in Brazil, followed by China, placing them among the world's top five producers and exporters of agricultural products [22], which has been achieved by bringing forest and fallow lands under cultivation. In developed countries like the USA, Canada and Australia, the growth rate of agricultural land expansion was negative, yet the growth in yields and intensified agricultural practices has compensated for this loss. Further, the expansion of arable land in the whole world (155 million hectares, accounting for 11% of the world's geographical area) occurred mostly 1961-1963 and 1997-1999, and is the net result of countervailing trends, i.e., the accelerated growth rate in developing countries coupled with a marginal decline in developed nations [23].   A disaggregated analysis of agricultural land area was undertaken for two time periods, viz., 1961-1990 and 1991 onwards, which correspond with the pre-and postglobalization periods, so as to assess the impact of liberalisation and globalisation on land-use changes, especially in the extent of agricultural land. In the case of almost all the larger countries, there was a reduction in the extent of agricultural land in the 25 years of the post-liberalised/globalised era, although in some countries it was not significant (p > 0.05). The trend was similar among the agriculturally important countries.
Almost 180 countries of the world account for 41.8% of the world's value of output from agriculture, while the agriculturally important countries, like China, India and the USA, contributed 23.9, 11.6, and 6.3%, respectively ( Figure 3). The higher agricultural output (in USD) of countries that are larger in terms of geographical area and population, like China, the USA and India (but excluding Russia), could be attributed to efficient utilization of natural resources and diversified agro-climatic situations, and also to the historical evolution of agricultural practices coupled with innovations in agricultural research. While the rapid progress of agricultural development in China could be attributed to the introduction of general and agricultural reform in 1978 [25], that of the USA is attributed to higher total factor productivity [26].

Individual and Family Farms
Individual and family-owned agricultural holdings are a significant feature of farming. Family farming is a means of organizing agricultural, forestry, fishery, pastoral, and aquaculture production, in which land is managed and operated by a family and is predominantly reliant on family labour including both women and men [27] and in which domestic and farming activities are intrinsically linked [2]. Farming in Asia, Africa and Europe is dominated by family farms, which comprise 97-99% of farms and cover in the range of 67-85% of the land area (Table 2).

Individual and Family Farms
Individual and family-owned agricultural holdings are a significant feature of farming. Family farming is a means of organizing agricultural, forestry, fishery, pastoral, and aquaculture production, in which land is managed and operated by a family and is predominantly reliant on family labour including both women and men [27] and in which domestic and farming activities are intrinsically linked [2]. Farming in Asia, Africa and Europe is dominated by family farms, which comprise 97-99% of farms and cover in the range of 67-85% of the land area (Table 2). Countries like China, India and the USA have more than 80% of holdings in the family farms category. Brazil is reported to have around 30% of farms owned and operated by families, and countries like Mexico and Argentina have less than 20% of agriculture holdings owned by families. It is estimated that over 500 million farms are family-owned globally [28] and they contribute 80% of the world's food production; 80% of the extremely poor are rural and mainly depend on agriculture for their livelihoods. The period 2019-2028 has been declared as the United Nations Decade of Family Farming (UNDFF) by FAO [2], to foster cross-sectoral policy, investment and innovation in family farming and to unleash the potential of family farmers as agricultural agents of change to realize sustainable food systems and help achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
India, the second-largest populated country and seventh largest in geographical area, is placed seventh in terms of agricultural area with 158 million ha; the world total is 4828 million ha [29]. Family holdings in India comprise over 99% of the total farm holdings, while the rest are institutional holdings. Among the family holdings, individual holdings dominate, followed by joint family holdings (Table 3). In the last two decades (1995-1996 to 2015-2016), based on the quinquennial agriculture census data [16], the share of individual holdings has decreased while the absolute number increased ( Figure 4). On the other hand, the number (14,785 to 20,724) and share (12.8 to 14.1%) of joint family holdings has increased in the corresponding period. The average holding size of farms of different categories-individual families, joint family and institutions (temples and other religious institutions)-indicates that farm size has decreased between 1995-1996 and 2015-2016 ( Figure 4). In India, farm consolidation has been promoted since the 1960s as the norm, as it was consistently recognized that productivity follows a U-shaped distribution curve. Productivity seems to be highest among the smallest and largest farms. While small and large farms are comparable in terms of productivity, their methods of achieving output differ greatly. In fact, farm size predicts management practices. Large farms' ability to employ labour is often limited, which makes operators more reliant on machinery. Ironically, small farms are generally characterized by their inability to afford machinery. However, research recognizes that heavy machinery causes soil compaction, a decrease in oxygen and the suffocation of microorganisms and fungi. Further, compacted soil drains less surface water, increasing water pollution and erosion. The association between farm size and pesticide use was consistent even after statistically adjusting for soil quality, crop  On the other hand, the number (14,785 to 20,724) and share (12.8 to 14.1%) of joint family holdings has increased in the corresponding period. The average holding size of farms of different categories-individual families, joint family and institutions (temples and other religious institutions)-indicates that farm size has decreased between 1995-1996 and 2015-2016 ( Figure 4). In India, farm consolidation has been promoted since the 1960s as the norm, as it was consistently recognized that productivity follows a U-shaped distribution curve. Productivity seems to be highest among the smallest and largest farms. While small and large farms are comparable in terms of productivity, their methods of achieving output differ greatly. In fact, farm size predicts management practices. Large farms' ability to employ labour is often limited, which makes operators more reliant on machinery. Ironically, small farms are generally characterized by their inability to afford machinery. However, research recognizes that heavy machinery causes soil compaction, a decrease in oxygen and the suffocation of microorganisms and fungi. Further, com-  While small farms of economic size are considered more efficient operationally and promote social harmony in the villages better than large farms, large farms facilitate mechanization and modernization. Policies to promote large farms would weaken small farms' ability to compete and might create distress among the owners of small farms and even lead to the disposal of such small holdings. In this context, the impact of the farm laws promulgated by the government of India [30] to reform agricultural markets and facilitate the formation of farmer-producer organizations on landholdings will in the future need to be studied.

The Agricultural Workforce and Its Productivity
The value of the output from the agricultural sector and the extent of the population dependent on it signify the importance of agriculture in any country. The agricultural sector's share in both employment and output is higher in developing countries relative to developed ones; more precisely, the employment share is higher than that of output [31]. The country-wise percentage share of the agrarian workforce (Table 4) reveals that around 40% of the population in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh were dependent on agriculture during 2017. A significant (p < 001) reduction in the contribution of the agricultural workforce to the total workforce was noted in China (48% to 18%), India (61% to 43%) and Brazil (24% to 10%) between 1991 and 2017 ( Table 4). The advantage of large farms lies in the opportunity they provide to reduce labour costs by putting each worker to a task and encouraging specialization. This will help in improving both natural aptitudes and acquiring skill and speed, which is upscaled by constantly performing the same operation. A general explanation of the inverse relationship between farm size and productivity can be offered in terms of the low opportunity cost of family labour in a labour-surplus economy and the resultant variations in the input of human labour. Modernizing agriculture involved the introduction of new technology which required the increased use of capital in agriculture. Even with the use of some capital and new technology, however, many farm operations require the intensification of labour use, such as seedbed preparation, weeding, irrigating and harvesting. Thus, labour is also of critical importance in modern agricultural development.
In general, the per capita productivity of the agricultural workforce was significantly (p < 0.01) higher in countries with a low share (<10%) of the population in the agrarian workforce. For instance, per person productivity (USD) was highest in Israel (84,613 USD) and the USA (83,736 USD), which had only 1% and 2%, respectively, of their population as an agricultural workforce. The higher per capita productivity also implies large-scale mechanization with large size holdings. The results indicate that the per capita productivity of predominantly agrarian countries during 2017 ranged between 991 USD (Bangladesh) and 92,682 USD (Australia). A leap in growth in workers' productivity was recorded by China (7.1 times) and Brazil (4.6 times) between 1991 and 2017. This could be attributed to an increase in farm size (i.e., a larger area per worker) and the application of technologies [33,34]. The highest compound annual growth rate (CAGR) in per capita workers' productivity was registered by China (7.9%), followed by South Africa (6.9%) and Brazil (6.1%). This could be attributed to a lower rate of capital accumulation and a more efficient use of all the factors of production [35] even in the absence of technology transfer, international investment, research and development, and aggregate scale effects. Trade affects economic growth through comparative advantage. The authors of [36] emphasize the supply-side role in sustainable growth, in which agriculture continues to play an important role but one different to what it was when demand-side effects were stronger [37]. Among the major agrarian-based countries studied in this paper, the growth rate was the lowest in Pakistan (0.4%), which could possibly be due to the poor application of science and technology [38]. The literature generally discusses labour-surplus models, the empirical assessment of disguised unemployment such as in India and the backward sloping supply curve of labour.

Equity in Ownership of Agriculture Landholding
The average farm size across the world is determined by the countries with the largest number of farms and those with the largest share of the world's agricultural land. The landholding (unit area of agricultural land owned by a farm household) size increased significantly (p < 0.05) in most of developed countries from 1960 to 2000, while it decreased in developing countries (Table 5). The average landholding size across the major agriculturally important countries during 2000 was the highest in Australia (3243 ha), which, however, cannot be included as part of the generally improving trend in developed nations because the average farm size in Australia is an outlier relative to farms in other parts of the world [44]. While Uruguay (287 ha) and the USA (178 ha) also had considerably larger average landholding sizes, they were very low in India (1.3 ha) and Bangladesh (0.3 ha). The decrease over time in the average farm size in India could be attributed to the rise in population in the corresponding period. In larger countries, especially developed countries like the USA and Australia, farm size initially increased till 1990 and subsequently there has been a slight declining trend. In China, all agricultural land and homesteads in the suburban and rural areas are owned by rural collectives and are called collective land (jiti tudi) [45]. The current changes in land policy, which facilitate private ownership of agricultural land by individuals and enables easy land selling, have led to land consolidation [46].
Analysis of the compound annual growth rate (CAGR) during the period 1981 to 2011 in population and landholding size for the major countries of the world showed that Saudi Arabia had the highest population growth rate (3.08%), followed by Israel (2.43%) ( Table 6), while it was lowest in Cuba (0.46%).
Except for Brazil and Sri Lanka, which recorded a CAGR of 0.07% and 0.01%, respectively, the growth in per capita agricultural land during 1981-2011 was negative in other countries, implying that the per capita agricultural land availability shrank. A steep decline in per capita land availability was recorded in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Israel, which could be attributed to higher population growth in these countries. The correlation coefficient value between the two variables was −0.74, implying an inverse relationship between them. Holden and Otsuka [47] investigated the relationship between farm size distribution, productivity and equity in African countries with a hypothesis that the two former variables had an inverse relationship. They also emphasized that higher population pressure would intensify agriculture on smaller farms.
The equity in agricultural land ownership/operation is an important indicator of socioeconomic stability, at least in the agriculturally significant developing countries [48,49]. Besides this, land ownership inequality has been traditionally taken to explain high levels of income inequality especially in the countries where the agricultural sector predominates [50]. The Gini index of land ownership for the major agriculturally important countries for two points in time was taken into consideration in order to examine whether land ownership moves towards distributive justice (if the Gini index moved towards zero) or towards inequality (if the Gini index approached one) [51,52]. The significant (p < 0.05) reduction in the Gini index in Egypt 1961-2000 suggests that that country managed to ensure the increasing equality of land ownership distribution ( Table 7). The trend was similar in India, though the reduction in the Gini value was not significant (p > 0.05). Bangladesh, Brazil, France, Pakistan and the USA recorded an increase in the index, suggesting movement of agricultural land ownership towards inequality, which also means agricultural land is being concentrated among fewer people. A study by Guerena and Wegerif [53] organized on behalf of the International Land Coalition indicates that around 84% of farms worldwide share 12% of the total agricultural land area, while just 16% of farms control the remaining 88% of agricultural land. They also state that the Gini coefficient of land ownership is 0.55 in Asia and 0.85 in Latin America.
Women accounted for 25.3% of global agricultural employment during 2019, while in the least developed countries this was 61% and in India it was 55% [54]. Data on female land ownership data available with FAO [55] indicates that in countries like the USA, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina and India the share of women agricultural landholders is in the range of 10-19%, while in Canada, France and Spain it is in the range of 20-29%. Many countries, like Algeria, Mali, Congo, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, have a range of 0-9%, and in only a few countries, like Peru, Botswana and Italy, is it 30-39%.
In Asia, women account for 35 to 60% of the agricultural labour force [56]. Women comprise, on an average, 43% of the agricultural workforce in developing countries, ranging from 20% in Latin America to 50% in East Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. However, women have less access to agriculture-related assets, inputs and services than men [57]. It is estimated that with the provision of access to productive resources on the level of men, women could enhance the yield by 20-30%, raising overall agricultural output in developing countries by two and a half to four percent. This gain in production could lessen the number of hungry people in the world by 12-17%, besides increasing women's income [58].

Agriculture Landholdings in India
The spatiotemporal changes in the extent of landholdings in India and various factors influencing them are discussed in the ensuing section. however, smallholdings were 19%, semi-medium and medium together were 26% and large holdings were 4% of the total ( Figure 5). This significant (p < 0.05) increase in the proportion of marginal farmers renders them an influential group in shaping the state of the agricultural economy of the country at present, while it is a matter of concern that shrinking landholdings impede the use of advanced technologies for enhancing agricultural productivity. [59].

Agriculture Landholdings in India
The spatiotemporal changes in the extent of landholdings in India and various factors influencing them are discussed in the ensuing section.  together accounting for 13%, and large holdings (>10 ha) comprising only one percent. Compared to this, during the period 1970-1971, marginal holdings comprised only 51%; however, smallholdings were 19%, semi-medium and medium together were 26% and large holdings were 4% of the total ( Figure 5). This significant (p < 0.05) increase in the proportion of marginal farmers renders them an influential group in shaping the state of the agricultural economy of the country at present, while it is a matter of concern that shrinking landholdings impede the use of advanced technologies for enhancing agricultural productivity. The increasing number of small families who inherit agricultural land under the laws of inheritance has resulted in a steady decline in the average Indian landholding size per family from 2.28 ha (1970-1971) to 1.08 ha (2015-2016) ( Figure 6). This implies that an average farm family in India works with less than half the land that their forefathers possessed 45 years ago, which factor affects their livelihood significantly. This has also led to an increasing number of farmers taking up other occupations, either by letting out the land for cultivation by tenants or by leaving the land fallow. The fallow land accounted for 5.9% of the total geographical area (19.    (Table 8). This means that although the absolute population and the corresponding number of landholdings had been increasing, the rate of increase declined or fluctuated, which indicates that when population growth tends to be stable and slower, the growth in the number of landholdings is likely to follow this pattern.   (Table 8). This means that although the absolute population and the corresponding number of landholdings had been increasing, the rate of increase declined or fluctuated, which indicates that when population growth tends to be stable and slower, the growth in the number of landholdings is likely to follow this pattern.    Figures S3 and S4) shows that the share of marginal farmers (<1 ha) was the highest in the state of Kerala (97%), closely followed by Bihar (91%). Punjab had the least share of marginal farmers (14%). Gujarat had the highest share of small farmers (30%) compared to other states. On the other hand, medium farmers as a group were more prominent in the state of Punjab (62%) than in any other state. The proportion of the large farmers was the highest in Rajasthan and Punjab (5% each), which could be due to less productive, sandy, desert soils and land consolidation influenced by entrepreneurship, respectively.
The area held by different categories of farmers across the states indicated that medium holders, which held the largest proportion of land in India (44%), accounted for 69% in Punjab, followed by Gujarat (60%), Madhya Pradesh (54%) and Rajasthan (52%). The area held by marginal farmers was the highest in Kerala (61%) while it was the lowest (2%) in Punjab. The higher population density in Kerala (859 km −2 ) and its relative density  Figures S3 and S4) shows that the share of marginal farmers (<1 ha) was the highest in the state of Kerala (97%), closely followed by Bihar (91%). Punjab had the least share of marginal farmers (14%). Gujarat had the highest share of small farmers (30%) compared to other states. On the other hand, medium farmers as a group were more prominent in the state of Punjab (62%) than in any other state. The proportion of the large farmers was the highest in Rajasthan and Punjab (5% each), which could be due to less productive, sandy, desert soils and land consolidation influenced by entrepreneurship, respectively.
The area held by different categories of farmers across the states indicated that medium holders, which held the largest proportion of land in India (44%), accounted for 69% in Punjab, followed by Gujarat (60%), Madhya Pradesh (54%) and Rajasthan (52%). The area held by marginal farmers was the highest in Kerala (61%) while it was the lowest (2%) in Punjab. The higher population density in Kerala (859 km −2 ) and its relative density (550 km −2 ) in Punjab could be the reason for this [64]. Large farmers held the largest share of land (29%) in Rajasthan, while their share was the smallest in Bihar (1%).

Agriculture Workforce
The total agricultural workforce, comprising cultivators and labourers, recorded a steady increase from 1991 (185.3 million) through 2001 (234.1 million) and 2011 (263.1 million) (Table 9), which was due to the increase in the proportion of agricultural labour. The proportion of farmers/cultivators (45%) and agricultural labourers (55%) during 2011 was the result of a change from farmer-dominated to labourer-dominated agriculture since 1991. The age break-down of the agricultural workforce in 1971 indicates that while almost 60% of the force comprised youth (15-34 years), middle-aged persons accounted for 31%. These figures were 45 and 42%, respectively, for the year 2011. The overall trend showed that the agricultural workforce is aging gradually over time (Figure 9). There was a significant (p < 0.05) increase in the proportion of middle-aged farmers between 1971 and 2011. A similar trend has been observed in some other developing countries, viz., Botswana in Africa, Panama in Central America, and Myanmar and Philippines in Asia [67]. It has been reported that given an alternative, 45% of Indian farmers wish to quit agriculture [68]. Recognizing this, the government of India instituted a scheme "Attracting and Retaining Youth in Agriculture (ARYA)" in 2015-2016.

Individual, Family, and Institutional Ownership of Landholdings
Individuals account for a majority (85.5% in number and 81.6% in extent) of the landholders in India. Joint ownership of agricultural land accounts for 17% of the area, which is managed by 14.3% of the farmers. Institutions, like temples and other religious institutions across India, own one percent of the total agricultural land ( Figure 10). This means that individual farmers and joint-owning farm families have exclusive rights to almost all agricultural land in India.

Individual, Family, and Institutional Ownership of Landholdings
Individuals account for a majority (85.5% in number and 81.6% in extent) of the landholders in India. Joint ownership of agricultural land accounts for 17% of the area, which is managed by 14.3% of the farmers. Institutions, like temples and other religious institutions across India, own one percent of the total agricultural land ( Figure 10). This means that individual farmers and joint-owning farm families have exclusive rights to almost all agricultural land in India. During the 1960s and 70s, every state passed legislation on tenancy reforms to ensure equity in asset distribution in rural areas; prevent agricultural lands from being diverted to industrial uses; discourage absentee landlordism in agriculture; and minimize disparity in rural wealth distribution. These legislative restrictions resulted in decreased land access  During the 1960s and 70s, every state passed legislation on tenancy reforms to ensure equity in asset distribution in rural areas; prevent agricultural lands from being diverted to industrial uses; discourage absentee landlordism in agriculture; and minimize disparity in rural wealth distribution. These legislative restrictions resulted in decreased land access for the landless and also for more efficient producers [69]. The tenancy reform legislation affected landless agricultural labourers as the landowners preferred to keep the land fallow rather than renting it out because of the risk of losing ownership of the land [70].

Equity in Land Ownership
Equity in ownership of land could be viewed from three dimensions, viz., gender, farm size (marginal to large farmers), and social class. To understand equity in the possession of agricultural land by different land-size classes, Gini indices were established for two points in time for the whole of India and its major states. At present, the land ceiling ranges from 9 to 54 standard acres and surplus land must be redistributed in favour of landless agricultural labourers. Some states such as West Bengal successfully implemented ceiling laws, with 40% of the surplus land redistributed to landless agricultural households [71,72].

Equity across States
The equity in landholding was assessed among the agriculturally important states of India, which account for 70% of the country's total agricultural areas, based on the proportion of land owned by different farm size categories. The Gini index decreased by 7% between 1995-1996 (0.56) and 2015-2016 (0.52) at the national level, which indicates that the ownership of land is slowly tending towards equitable distribution (Table 10) and that inequality is decreasing, although absolute equity may be a distant reality. Among the states, the maximum reduction in Gini value was recorded in Bihar (29%) followed by Odisha (25%), while the lowest reduction was recorded in Karnataka (2%). This analysis does not mean that poor or marginal/small farmers are getting richer. In the context of increased competition, agricultural holdings must become larger in terms of the area under operation, so that majority of the modern technologies could be adopted on such farms to make them viable and sustainable [73,74]. Source: authors' estimates from data sourced from [16].

Equity across Social Classes
In India, socially underprivileged people who have been met with historical injustice have been classified through an act of parliament as scheduled castes (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST). The 2011 census shows that the SC and ST populations in the country account for 16.2 and 8.2% of the population, respectively. The share of the number and extent of agricultural landholdings 2010-2011 and 2015-2016 were 12 and 9% (for SC) and 9 and 11% (for ST), respectively (Table 11). With a population of 24.4%, the SC and ST holdings accounted for 21% of the number and 20% of the extent of total agricultural landholdings. The average holding size of SC and ST farmers was 0.78 and 1.41 ha, respectively, 2015-2016. This indicates that the share of land of ST farmers was higher than that of SC farmers, though the average landholding size decreased for both during the period 2011-2016. There was a significant increase (p < 0.05) in the number of agricultural landholdings owned by SC (0.30% per annum) and ST farmers (1.16% per annum) from 2011 to 2016, while the extent of land owned by these groups decreased, although insignificantly (p > 0.05; <1% per annum). India must strengthen its policies and support schemes to enhance the ownership of these socially marginalized groups and to strengthen their operational rights [75,76].

Gender Role-Women Farmers' Share
The share of women cultivators in India increased to 30% in 2011, from 11% in 1970, as per the agriculture census of India [16]. Similarly, their share of agriculture labour was 33 and 54% during 1971 and 2011, respectively ( Figure 11). The share of female-owned landholdings at the all-India level has increased significantly (p < 0.05) in number and area of landholdings, which is a sign of improving gender equality in this period. The growth rate in the number of female holdings was higher (8.2%) than that of the area operated by them (5%) (Figure 12). size decreased for both during the period 2011-2016. There was a significant increase (p < 0.05) in the number of agricultural landholdings owned by SC (0.30% per annum) and ST farmers (1.16% per annum) from 2011 to 2016, while the extent of land owned by these groups decreased, although insignificantly (p > 0.05; <1% per annum). India must strengthen its policies and support schemes to enhance the ownership of these socially marginalized groups and to strengthen their operational rights [76,77].

Gender Role-Women Farmers' Share
The share of women cultivators in India increased to 30% in 2011, from 11% in 1970, as per the agriculture census of India [30]. Similarly, their share of agriculture labour was 33 and 54% during 1971 and 2011, respectively ( Figure 11). The share of female-owned landholdings at the all-India level has increased significantly (p < 0.05) in number and area of landholdings, which is a sign of improving gender equality in this period. The growth rate in the number of female holdings was higher (8.2%) than that of the area operated by them (5%) (Figure 12).  Within India, Meghalaya, a small hilly state in the northeast, has the highest share of female landholding (34% of the number of landholdings and 28% of the operational area), followed by Andhra Pradesh (30% holdings and 27% area). Kerala, Telangana, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu were the other states in India that were better than the national average in terms of female land ownership (14% holdings and 12% area) (Supplementary Materials; Figure S5). The overall trends in female land ownership could be linked to the social and cultural practices and legal provisions in their respective countries. In India, inheritance is the primary means of acquiring ownership of agricultural land. Patriarchal practices in India largely lead to the denial of equal ownership of property, including land, between men and women. The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act (HSAA) 2005 pro- Within India, Meghalaya, a small hilly state in the northeast, has the highest share of female landholding (34% of the number of landholdings and 28% of the operational area), followed by Andhra Pradesh (30% holdings and 27% area). Kerala, Telangana, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu were the other states in India that were better than the national average in terms of female land ownership (14% holdings and 12% area) (Supplementary Materials; Figure S5). The overall trends in female land ownership could be linked to the social and cultural practices and legal provisions in their respective countries. In India, inheritance is the primary means of acquiring ownership of agricultural land. Patriarchal practices in India largely lead to the denial of equal ownership of property, including land, between men and women. The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act (HSAA) 2005 provides clear rights to women on par with men. A woman can also inherit the self-acquired agricultural land of her deceased husband, and a widow who is remarrying can inherit the land of her deceased husband. Female land ownership contributes to alleviating her family's risk of poverty and vulnerability to violence and the expansion of her family's livelihood options [77]. Having land in women's names could increase agricultural productivity, given the increase in male out-migration and the growing number of female-headed households, and this could have far-reaching implications not only for women's status but also for improving production in agriculture.
Over the years, as the number of families has increased, the number of landholdings has also increased with fragmentation into economically unviable parcels and plots. Farmers find their pieces of land too small to be a viable source of livelihood, and the banks hesitate to accept such land as collateral and thus deny access to credit. Guerena and Wegerif [53] have also argued that the cost of land inequality is reflected in more poverty and social conflict, environmental degradation, food insecurity and gender imbalances. Ownership of land by women gives them access to credit, education and technical assistance, among other things [78]. These studies emphasize the need for better equity for women in the Indian context.

Tenancy and Land Reforms
Land access involves providing possession and land tenure refers to securing and broadening of the rights to those who possess the land. Typically, a landless labourer lacks access to land and also tenure rights. In some cases, they may not have possession but could have secured rights [69].
Tenant farming has historically been reported in several countries in different forms. During the 1970s, some countries had a higher rate of tenant farming-for instance, Vietnam had 70% of its farms under tenancy, with an equal proportion of agricultural land under their control [79], followed by Iran (67% of farms and control over 73% of land) and Egypt (62% of farms and 57% of land). In the corresponding period, in India, the proportion of tenant farming was 27% of total farms. In developed countries like France and Belgium, the extent of tenant farming was 66 and 68%, respectively, while it was about 35% in the United Kingdom in 2002 [80].
The extent of area operated under tenancy across different states of India was analysed. It may be noted that at the all-India level, the extent of the agricultural area under tenant farming has declined during the last six decades (i.e., 1953-1954 to 2010-2011) from 20.6% to 10.4% (Table 12). Though leasing is prohibited, it still occurs in different states with small deviations. The phenomenon of tenancy appears to be rampant in states experiencing good agricultural growth [81]. Among these states, tenancy was more popular in Andhra Pradesh (35.7%), Punjab (24.4%) and Bihar (22.7%) 2010-2011. The share has increased in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar, while in Punjab it has decreased in the last 57 years. Tenant farming results in declining land productivity and increasing land degradation [82]. The insecure future rights of tenants make them reluctant to invest adequately in measures necessary to conserve land resources [83]. Indian farmers practise four types of land leasing-fixed money, fixed produce, through a share in the farm produce and through usufructuary mortgages. Furthermore, five sets of tenancy laws prevail in the major states of India that govern agricultural land leasing. Many states have combined legislations to improve the situation of tenants with either a complete prohibition on leasing land or with provisions to provide tenants who had been on the land for some time with very strong property rights, which is likely to have limited the supply of new land to the rental market [68]. These state-specific tenancy laws have specific restrictions (Supplementary Materials; Table S1). Land reforms have been reported to have aided in mitigating the agrarian crisis in South India [86].

Conclusions and Recommendations
This study is expected to enable social planners and decision makers to consider multiple attributes of agricultural growth and development that need to be assessed simultaneously when implementing programs for modernizing existing schemes for growth. This paper tries to capture the general growth indicators, which are conflicted as well as complementary in nature. This study primarily analysed two approaches to enhancing the role of agriculture in the context of developing countries such as India: (a) the role of farm size as a determinant of efficiency and equity, and (b) the benefits of increasing farm size for implementing modern technologies that are generally optimal at larger farm size and also have positive impact on gender-based adoption. While farm economic efficiency is the key variable in the assessment of the role of agriculture in macro-economic growth, other indicators such as socio-ecological equity and gender may also have high significance.
The results have several implications for developing countries such as India, which is engaged in consolidating holdings and increasing farm size for the effective implementation of mechanization and to increase farm productivity. Firstly, from an economic perspective the proposed model could enhance farm efficiency, but planners need also to address the likely impact on the agricultural workforce, who often have disguised employment status. Secondly, the impact of large-scale mechanization on soil ecology and the restoration of gender equality needs to be addressed. The family ownership of farms and declining size of holdings in Asian countries as opposed to increased farm size under corporate farming in developed countries like the USA is an important point that needs to be considered when adopting large-scale mechanization. Thus, the social and ecological parameters of the Asian continent require addressing when dealing with governance issues, including tenurial rights.
Thirdly, from the point of view of efficiency, the economic viability of increasing farm size depends on several socio-economic factors, natural resource endowments and other environmental characteristics of the region which, of course, were not part of this study. Our analysis shows that the expansion of crop area is extremely difficult in the context of high population density states, and could be achieved only at high capital costs, which could negatively impact the availability of capital for existing cropland.
Fourthly, from an equity point of view, the declining share of agricultural land belonging to marginalized communities is a matter of concern. Further, most of these farmers lack the capital to invest in irrigation infrastructure. Therefore, it makes sense to empower these farmers with proper irrigation and market infrastructure through farmers' producer organizations.  Table  S1: Tenancy laws in various Indian states and restrictions imposed.