Impacts of Arsenal Brownfield Regeneration on Urban Development of Tivat in Montenegro: From Industrial Settlement to Center of Nautical Tourism

This study investigated the main aspects and consequences of urban regeneration in the context of sustainable development, using the example of the town of Tivat, whose radical urban transformation was initiated in the post-referendum transition period after 2006, when decision-making policies created a new environment for development. The focus of the research was the impact of the Arsenal brownfield regeneration on the urban development of Tivat in Montenegro, following its decades-long transformations from industrial settlements (military shipyard) to the “new town” of Porto Montenegro (the center of nautical tourism), which is 10 km away from the UNESCO World Heritage site in Kotor, which had a strong influence on the development of Tivat. The theoretical and empirical research was focused on three aspects of sustainability. This study identifies key parameters that indicate the specific causes and consequences of the urban transformations, as well as impacts of nautical tourism on the development of a particular tourist destination with accompanying sustainability factors. The urban regeneration of Tivat, as an example of an urban laboratory in the Mediterranean, can be used for comparative measurements of the success of the brownfield process of regeneration of various tourist destinations in the context of sustainability.


Introduction
The highlighted globalization processes from the beginning of the 21st century, accompanied by the dominant issue of consumerism, were reflected on cities, producing various spatial determinants with changing influences on the social and cultural values of local environments. The process of creating an urban society with a capitalist profile articulates the establishment of new cultural norms. Cities are increasingly becoming places of global patterns [1], and the consequences of urbanization and consumerism are most visibly reflected through sociological components [2][3][4][5][6].
Cities strive to strengthen their position on the global scale of competitiveness by attracting global capital and redefining their own spatial structures. Urban regeneration is mainly focused on profit, where economic growth is encouraged and spatial units are radically regenerated through complex projects. At the same time, because of global influences, cities are facing numerous challenges in the process of sustainable regeneration of their built environments [7], especially when it comes to the vulnerability of massive and small-scale cities.
Countries' policies are oriented toward the development of various instruments for sustainable urban regeneration. In this sense, the process of urban town regeneration can be one of the leading and very desirable parameters of sustainable development, which is one of the key recommendations in the guidelines for rehabilitation of the Council of Europe [8]. In this direction, the concept of the creative city [9], the urban branding mechanism [10], or the strengthening of the culture role and the cultural heritage stand out [11].
A brownfield regeneration is recognized as an imperative factor in the urban regeneration process [12][13][14][15]. Unattractive zones of cities are transformed into new spatial determinants, often through public-private partnerships, with the authors pointing to the need for a deeper understanding of the boundary between public and private engagement [16].
Industrial heritage is the focus of the modern regeneration process, while promoting the principles of sustainable development [17]. Local and global factors identify brownfield sites, which are examples of industrial heritage, as suitable potential sites for shaping the most attractive spatial phenomena. There are numerous case studies that indicate significant brownfield potential in specific urban areas [18,19].
We are witnessing cities that have directed their prosperity in the past toward emancipation of the working class and the industrialization of the countryside. Later on, these cities were examples of the transformation from abandoned industrial sites to centers of creativity and capital. Such examples of successfully realized revitalization of old industrial and commercial areas of historical interest include an urban regeneration project of the old city port of Puerto Madero in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and a waterfront regeneration project of Porto Maravilha, Rio de Janeiro. Among them are many European examples, such as Milan, Copenhagen, Dresden, London, Lyon, Rotterdam, Berlin, Dublin, Genoa, Lisbon, Porto, Thessaloniki, and Madrid. In Italy, the regional laws of the Puglia Region (29 July 2008, No. 21, "Norms for urban regeneration") have even been enacted in order to improve the urban, socio-economic, landscape, and cultural conditions of human settlements [20]. One of the world-famous examples of urban regeneration is Bilbao, a port industrial city that experienced the urban and social crisis of the 1960s. The floods that ravaged the area in 1983 further caused the removal of port activities to other areas and changed the shape of the city forever. Urban regeneration of the 1990s, and introduction of a gigantic infrastructure, the Guggenheim Museum, transformed the city into a comprehensive tourism product. A city receiving a new identity appearance is recognized as the "Guggenheim" or "Bilbao effect" [21]. Such complex urban transformations of shipyards have led to the formation of a specific form of urban "palimpsest" [22] where some of the memories and old structures can be found at these sites, even though it does not form a coherent relationship with the new structures.
Urban regeneration has emerged as a leading paradigm, although the concept is applied in different ways in different countries and cities. The expansion of urban regeneration projects indicates that, from 1990 to 1996, 33 urban pilot projects were launched in 11 member states, worth EUR 202 million, and half of them were funded by the European Commission [23]. The goals were to influence economic development in the areas with social problems, to protect the environment, as well as to revitalize the historical centers [24].
Diverse aspects and challenges of the urban regeneration process result in a changing impact on the town which, in some cases, leads to resilience, sustainable urban development, and, also, global profits. Sometimes this process contributes to spatial and social disintegration or fragmentation, which is especially reflected in small-scale cities.
Previously identified mechanisms and instruments of the urban regeneration process, as well as the effects and consequences, can be recognized in the example of urban regeneration in the town of Tivat (Montenegro).
The purpose of this study was to contribute to the improvement of general theoretical and practical (survey research) understanding of the process of urban regeneration, as well as to identify the effects of this process on the local and the wider context through a specific case study of the coastal town of Tivat in Montenegro. The focus of the research is a brownfield site initially developed under the name Arsenal, which was regenerated from a military shipyard into a luxury marina, transforming Tivat into a leading nautical tourism center in the Mediterranean.
The central goal of the research is to identify the consequences of the urban regeneration process treated through the prism of three basic pillars of sustainability: social, economic, and environmental. The significance of this study is in the identification of the radical effects of the urban regeneration process. Defining the criteria and parameters of the regeneration process will contribute to clarifying the effects and consequences of the first and largest realized brownfield investment in Montenegro.
It is important to emphasize the fact that tourism is an extremely important component of the national economy of Montenegro, and as such is associated with almost all aspects of society. One of the basic functions of tourism is that it directly and indirectly affects the growth of gross domestic product, in which the tourist complex of Porto Montenegro has a special contribution. This was especially emphasized during the current circumstances where, under the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic, the gross domestic product (GDP) was significantly destabilized due to the fact that tourism, the leading branch of the economy in the country was very weakened during the tourist season.
Urban reorganization of a landscape is given by systematization of theoretical and regulatory material, which are compared with statistical data obtained by survey research. Consideration of the transformed urban area is enabled by the study of graphic and cartographic data. These are given in the genealogical map of Tivat, which shows the town transformation by logical remodeling from historical and industrial city. City petrification and touristic valorization created the new city syndrome that results in a knowledgebased economy model.
The scientific novelty of this research is in identifying spatial and non-spatial indicators of urban transformation of Arsenal. Furthermore, it highlights structural and planning transformations of the area in order to create its urban planning renovation model, which had a strong impact on the development of the immediate surroundings and beyond. Based on the above research, an urban planning renovation model was developed, based on the identified methodology, for the development of brownfield zones of coastal cities into nautical tourism centers. The research gives a method for measuring the success of its implementation.

Theoretical Background
The numerous studies are dealing with various issues of sustainable urban regeneration and most of the results have not been universally adopted. There are no generally accepted ones, such as methodological platform, strategies, patterns, or management policies. There are diverse approaches starting from the very definition of the term aspects of sustainability [25], policies and strategies for managing the process of urban re-generation [26]. There are various brownfield case studies, international [27][28][29] and regional [30,31], with positive and negative implications, but also numerous dilemmas in the context of sustainability. Previous research into successful examples of the particular water-front brownfield regenerations of post-industrial cities [32] and different methodological approaches vary depending on the specific environment and cases [33,34]. In particular, the authors point to the inadequate integration of sustainable development goals into practice [35]. In this direction, this paper presents the Arsenal brownfield regeneration as an example of the first and largest investments in Montenegro successfully implemented. The complexity of the urban regeneration process did not involve all interested stakeholders, which indicates the need for a comprehensive interdisciplinary research platform that can achieve sustainable results.
Mediterranean coastal cities often become zones of rapidly changing environments, with dramatic social, economic, and physical changes, which is the result of conflicts and economic crises [36]. The focus of urban transformation is on improving and reshaping economic, landscape, social, morphological, and transport parameters [37]. Natividade-Jesus et al. [38] emphasize energy efficiency and environmental impacts, as well as economic, social, and land-use Impacts. Land-use impacts are the leading element that causes urban regeneration. It represents a laboratory for the development of complex interventions in the urban space. This method integrates strategic and operational aspects and can be used as a basis for innovative holistic methodology. Della Spina [39] notes that thirteen basic sustainability indicators can be classified into 4 basic pillars (economic, social and culture, accessibility, and urban landscape quality) that considers the most suitable scenario for sustainable culture-led regeneration.
Similarly, the revitalization act in Poland since 2015 created legal conditions for the evaluation of the urban revitalization process in five areas: social, economic, technical, spatial, functional, and environmental [40]. The comparison of statistical and theoretical indicators is the basis for their application where the statistical data represent a measurable indicator of the success of the revitalization program implementation.
Montenegro belongs to the Mediterranean region and waterfront brownfield regeneration is recognized as the main development mechanism for the establishment of a sustainable tourist destination. Starting from the basic pillars of sustainable development, the study analyzes the non-spatial aspect (economic, ecological, sociological) and the spatialphysical aspect [41], which interprets the visual-aesthetic and functional dimension of the urban regeneration.

Study Area and Research Scope
Significant economic and social changes caused by the fall of the socialist system in the 1980s and the stagnation of the industrial sector. It resulted in the development of a large number of brownfield industrial zones that did not have adequate treatment in the context of the socio-spatial development [19]. At the beginning of the 21st century these spaces become the focus of interest, especially related to the attracting global capital, which results in the transformation of urban physiognomies.
Tivat, a small coastal town with only 14,031 inhabitants [42], has been identified as a suitable platform for redefining its own identity. On the Montenegrin coast, especially in the Bay of Kotor (Figure 1), with distinct geo-morphological specifics and cultural determinants and UNESCO official spatial and cultural values [29], the small settlement with all elements of urbanity has been developed. Within the physical structure of Tivat has been an inactive, industrial brownfield site, that has been the site of a leading industrial company in Montenegro. This paper covers the wider historical development of the town, from its creation, the construction of the identity as the leading industrial shipyard center in Montenegro, to the radical urban regeneration during 2007. The process of urban regeneration of Tivat at the beginning of the 21st century was accompanied by the decontextualization and change of the original socio-spatial identity of the town. The main cause of the radical and intensive process of the town transformation is the post-referendum opening of the Montenegrin market, when Montenegro regained its independence. . The inflow of foreign investment has resulted in the development of a "new town" named Porto Montenegro on the brownfield site of the former Arsenal shipyard. The sequence of such processes leads to the convergence of several completely different paths of specialization which are important to analyze from the aspect of measurable demographic, economic, social, and other parameters. The territorial capital of the town is growing and the town, in that sense, is becoming a victim of global processes. These processes did not bypass the Montenegrin cities which sought their new positions and opportunities in the system of global values and the new capitalist and the economic market, re-examining, and redefining the status of their own urban identities.
The result of the research should indicate the benefits of urban regeneration as a desirable model for sustainable development of the brownfield sites, but also to re-examine the impact of nautical tourism on its development, regarding economic, social, and environmental circumstances.

Research Methods
The focus of the research is brownfield industrial heritage with the aim of identifying the causes and consequences of the radical urban regeneration of Tivat through the prism of sustainable development. The important role of industrial heritage in the construction of urban identity has been recognized. The Arsenal military shipyard is an appropriate research example from the aspect of interpreting the theoretical and practical explanations of the process of brownfield and urban regeneration. The permeation of theory and practice in this process is of particular importance.
The study uses combined research methods, with a focus on theoretical and empirical (survey) research. Finally, a comparative analysis of the results was performed.
The critical theoretical analysis of the transformation process in Tivat is presented. The causes and manifestations within the complex phenomenon of the historical stratification of the town are defined, as well as cause-and-effect connections between the main processes that shaped and transformed the town and the society in it. In this phase of research, it implies causal and factor analysis. Sustainability parameters are imposed to analyze aspects that resulted in measurable-quantitative indicators of changes caused by urban transformations of the former Arsenal military shipyard. Another important aspect of the analysis is the impact of the newly built Porto Montenegro complex on the local and regional context, but also effects that such an economically luxurious project causes on a global level. In that sense, methods of analysis and systematization were used, which quantify certain phenomena in the process of the urban regeneration. Such a complex methodological framework that moves from the local level in the research process to the regional, and even global framework, evaluating the competitiveness of the town, includes analytical methods, such as: content, structural, functional, genetic method, but also the method of classification.
The first research phase was the collecting of the documentation, literature, archives, plans, photo documentation, and international policies related to aspects of sustainability. Field recordings, analysis and data collection were performed. Then, the selection and classification of materials was performed. The selected material was used to map and identify the situation in both a narrower and broader context, and to articulate further directions of the research. Then a genealogical map of the town was developed, with a timeline of Tivat, with identified causes and consequences of urban transformations over time in the context of sustainability.
The second phase referred to the development of the phases diagram in Arsenal development through sustainability aspects for the purpose of priority ranking of the location. Determined evaluation criteria are divided into two categories: spatial and non-spatial, based on previous theoretical research. A tabular presentation of the impact of the sustainable development of Porto Montenegro on the local and regional context was applied.
The final phase of the research was the synthesis and the systematization of all phases of research through the theoretical discussion and the graphic presentation of the results.

Survey Research and Statistical Methods
The survey research was defined as the process of conducting research using surveys that was based on the combined method: partly online via Google Forms (verified by email) and partly live-face-to-face research, for people who did not have access to the Internet and Email.
Descriptive statistics were used through mean value with corresponding standard deviation, as well as minimum and maximum. Both frequencies and percentages were used to display qualitative variables.
The chi-square test gave differences between categorical variables, and the t-test for large independent samples tested the differences between two groups of survey respondents. A repeated measure ANOVA was used to measure differences at three-time intervals, and subsequent comparisons were tested by the LSD post hoc test. SPANOVA was used to examine the influence of categorical variables on differences measured in threetime intervals.
Statistical significance was defined at the level of probability of the null hypothesis of p≤0.05. Statistical processing and analysis were performed in Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) ver. 24 software.

Historical Background-Arsenal Shipyard as a Leading Economic Creator of the City's Development
Although the exact origin of the town is not known, historical writings considered Tivat as the youngest town in Boka bay. For a long time, it was presented as an annex to the town of Kotor, since numerous historical maps almost always show Tivat as an integral part of the Boka area. Its historical development is linked to several epochs which can be interpreted in the context of the Bay of Kotor, such as: Illyrian, Roman-Byzantine, Serbian, Venetian-Turkish, and Austrian rule (from the year of 1787 to 1805, and in the period from 1814 until 1918) [43].
However, the development of Tivat as an urban center is linked to the end of the 19th century, when the naval port of Arsenal was founded (1898) which caused the massive settlement of Tivat and the construction of new supporting functions of the town [44]. The command of the Imperial and Royal Navy of Austro-Hungary realized the geostrategic importance and convenience of the Bay of Kotor, but also the position of Tivat as a naval base from which the entire southern Adriatic and the Strait of Otranto could be easily controlled. In 1912, it became the leading shipyard in this part of the Adriatic.
During the rule of the Royal Navy of Yugoslavia, the Tivat military shipyard was the only shipyard of this type for Yugoslavia, so Tivat and Boka, over the next twenty years, grew into the main naval base of the Royal Navy, when it was renewed, modernized, and expanded ( Figures 2 and 3). From the aspect of urban transformations of the city, Arsenal had the function of an economic driver of the city's development, directly influencing the living standard of all its inhabitants. Almost every family had someone who was hired in Arsenal. On the other hand, Arsenal was the one of the leading ecological black spots of the city, and also of Bay of Kotor. As a globally known military shipyard, Arsenal influenced the construction of the modern identity and image of the city, influencing the degree of its urbanity. During that period, the town developed and received the first urban plan of Tivat, made by Hoffman (1936), which designed the construction of today's town center [45,46].  During World War II, Arsenal was bombed, leading to a thorough destruction of the shipyards. After the liberation of Tivat in 1944, the destroyed shipyard was rebuilt, and at the beginning of 1950 Arsenal reached the production and the technical level it had before the war [44]. After 1945, with the foundation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Tivat began to develop as a town oriented towards tourism as one of the important economic branches. Such an approach to the interpretation of the potential of a wider destination and an integral view of space was recognized through the development of the Spatial Plan for the South Adriatic from 1969 ( Figure 4). This prepared the basis for the integrated planning of the coastal region (the Master Plans for Herceg Novi, Kotor, and Tivat) the basic criterion of which was the creation of a sustainable tourism development [47]. In that period there was an expansion in the construction of tourist complexes on the coast, with exceptional works of Yugoslav architecture of Mediterranean character being created when numerous hotels were built. The golden age of Arsenal began in 1974, when it started to operate for foreign navies and generated extraordinary foreign exchange earnings. Arsenal thus built a phenomenon of "the largest economic collective", which strengthened the collective identity, created in a deep connection and affection for Arsenal. It determined the strong character of this space, which will be an important topic of this paper. In that period the new spatial planning and urban documents were developed, which were adopted after the catastrophic earthquake in 1979. In that period the Spatial Plan of the Municipality (PPO), General Urban Plan (GUP) (Figures 5 and 6) and several Detailed Urban plans (DUPs) were adopted. A new trend in the development of the town leads to an increase in the number of inhabitants in the municipality of Tivat, in the period from 1971 to 1981. Figure 6 shows that the population of Tivat and surrounding settlements become mostly employed in industry.
Until the transition from the military to the civilian shipyard, Arsenal was excluded from the plans of a higher order. In the further plans only the outlines of the intervention can be seen. The first example of integrated planning for the three municipalities within the South Adriatic project are the Master Plans for Herceg Novi, Kotor, and Tivat, as well as the first Master Plan of Tivat from 1987 [49]. After the construction of Porto Montenegro, new spatial plans are made for such areas (State studies for Arsenal site).   [48].
After the celebration of the centenary of the existence of Arsenal, a crisis ensued caused by the political instability in the SFRY, war and sanctions of the United Nations Security Council towards Montenegro in the early 1990s [50].This had a devastating effect on the Montenegrin economy that caused the complete shutdown of an industry in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) with strong effects of economic crisis and hyperinflation. It completely destabilized the work of Arsenal, after which it ceased to operate ( Figure 7). The Government of Montenegro closed Arsenal when it becomes the property of a private owner-the company Adriatic Marinas. This caused the largest strike of workers and citizens in Tivat in the previous 100 years of Arsenal's work [51]. The former giant and the most complex industrial company in Montenegro-Arsenal-was soon demolished, which makes this site the largest brownfield site in the Bay of Kotor.

Economic Decontextualization of the Town and the Creation of Post-Industrial Contaminated Brownfield Property
The closure of the Arsenal military shipyard, strongly influenced the economy of the town and caused a period of stagnation in its development. In this paper, we refer to this state of the town as the town petrification, and it lasted until the release from sanctions in 1996. In order to better understand the consequences of the future urban transformations in Tivat, which are conditioned by the new socio-economic circumstances, it is necessary to consider this period of discontinuity in the development of the city.
Tivat entered a new transition phase, which we called the post-socialist town. It significantly changed the previous meaning and character of the site, both in an urban, architectural, functional, and socio-economic sense, and under the influence of transition processes that were dominant in the urban development from 1990s to the present day. Svirčić-Gotovac [52] indicates that the so-called deindustrialization and flexibilization typical of the post-industrial phase or postfordism, in which industrial activity moves from the center to the periphery, but also restructures and adapts to the new globalizationeconomic models of the working process. The process of an intensive construction that is directly conditioned by the new market mechanisms and privatization is known as commercialization of a space. Such complex processes of changing the original context are socalled processes of decontextualization, while theorists in various scientific disciplines use the term of detraditionalization. It is used to describe the processes of globalization and its consequences that lead to the weakening of traditional values and social capital within the community, as well as the collapse of old political regimes [53], or to consider the issue of detraditionalization in the context of broader social processes [54]. Harvey uses the term deterritorialization for the same processes [55].
Tivat shares a similar experience with most cities when it comes to the spatial manifestation of a transitional society. Due to socio-political and economic influences it has undergone significant transformations from the one spatial-semantic state to another, and entered the new phase of post-industrial town era. Such a new position of destabilized post-industrial cities leads to a re-examination of the new needs and functions of the town.
Areas of that were formerly industrial plants with heavy metals restorers and residues of harmful substances are becoming the new ecological contact point of the town. In architectural and urban terms Arsenal has become a brownfield location for investment, resignification, value formation, and potential rehabilitation to a healthy urban environment. Sassen [3] states that changes in the function of a city has a huge impact on its urban forms. Cities are concentrating control over large resources where finance and specialized service industries restructure its urban social and economic order. Residents lost their jobs and were forced to find a new income model that was reoriented towards tourism and catering. This is indicated by a sharp increase in the number of those living on the outskirts of the municipality of Tivat [56]. In the period from 1991 to 2003 the number of apartments in the municipality have almost doubled, while in some areas (Krtoli) it increased up to four and a half times [4]. Krašići, which was the one of the smallest settlements in the municipality in 1991, in year of 2003 was already the third largest settlement with 861 apartments. These indices of rapid housing growth do not necessarily follow the parameters of population growth in these areas. It clearly indicates the fact that the apartments were made specifically for tourism purposes, i.e., that the population redirected its activities from industry to tourism, using the potential of the coastal location [56].

Creation of Brownfield Values and Urban Regeneration of Arsenal. Semiotics Transformation of Post-Referendum Market Town
With the gaining of independence in 2006, Montenegro supported foreign investment, which was defined by official strategies and policies through the Strategy for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) [57], which referred to the period between 2006 and 2010, and the revision of the National Strategy for Attracting Foreign Direct Investments, which was prepared through the technical assistance of the European Commission in Montenegro. In strategic documents, attracting foreign investments is highlighted as the one of the primary goals. The Government of Montenegro established the Agency for the Promoting of Foreign Investments [57]. With the Law on Regional Development [58], the southern region was proclaimed as the most attractive region for foreign investment, therefore, the number of new investments and economic standard of coastal cities grew rapidly. Such spatial policies, legitimized by the new legislation, create so-called market or "entrepreneurial cities" [59].
Instead of the socialist model of social ownership, which was abolished in Montenegro in the late 1980s, a neoliberal economic concept came into force. The state sells social property to private investors who take over the market. In this way, the new economic elite creates an environment that satisfies, primarily, personal interest. They directly profit, predominantly investing in the field of construction, which results in a sudden hyper urbanization of cities in the southern region and, finally, an urban crisis. Vujović states that the privatization process in Montenegro can be considered a "ground process of social change" [60]. Harvey points to the danger of "urbanization of capital" due to the assumption that the capacity of the capitalist class power will dominate the urban process [55]. Foreign investors, empowered by investment groups, are developing a new business environment, controlling the basic economic processes and creating a new market identity.
In such urban processes, there is a sharp decrease in the price per square meter in the outdated zones of the town., These most often represent abandoned industrial zones, which stimulates the sale of land as a platform for new investments. Therefore, brownfield sites become the significant developments and spatial potentials in the post-socialist town causing expansion and the greatest urban regeneration in the process of transition in terms of attracting global capital, resulting in the transformation of urban physiognomy. Urban regeneration as a tool for sustainable development was adopted as the guiding principle, officially defined by the government document: National Strategy for Sustainable development of Montenegro from 2016 [46]. The National Strategy highlights, aside from industrial pollution rehabilitation, the realization of infrastructural projects in terms of waste water management and solid waste management related to the administrative area of Arsenal. Urban renewal is a strategic goal of development, as it raises the economic standard and quality of life in the wider area. This involves very complex processes, such as: supporting values, norms, and behavioral policy patterns important for the sustainability of society; an efficient and modern system of the integrated protection; management and sustainable use of cultural heritage; as well as landscape, sustainable spatial planning, waste management, and the application of the circular economy approach, sustainable coastal zone management resources, and stimulating the blue economy, and so on.
One of the most significant examples of brownfield regeneration in Montenegro is the urban transformation of the Arsenal shipyard which, in the post-referendum cycle of economic boom, is positioned as the most potent area on the coast. The political elite decided to sell Arsenal (Agreement on the sale of MTRZ "Sava Kovačević-Arsenal" between the Government of Montenegro, Porto Montenegro Securities and Adriatic Marinas (October, 2006)) [49]. It was one of the major privatizations in Montenegro enabling the state study of the Arsenal location and making a decision on the development of the Spatial Plan of the Municipality (SPM) and the General Urban Plan (GUP) of Tivat. The site of a hundred-year-old shipyard became the construction site for a luxury tourist resort with a nautical port by creating a new concept of a "nautical city" (Figure 8). The master plan (Figures 9 and 10) provides exclusive facilities with a prefix of the tourist offer, such as: hotel facilities, villas, restaurants, and the largest yacht port in this part of Europe. The Porto Montenegro complex is profiling itself as a new center of nautical tourism. This approach to privatization, guided by processes concentrated on attracting capital that imposes new principles of market operations, new economic standards, leads to the creation of an "investment city". Urban memories are part of dialectical life practices and the ritualization of public spaces. Dragićević Šešić introduces the concept of "politics of memory" [61] by emphasizing the importance of the memory image of a space, which makes it layered and important, both for individuals and for the community. Tivat, whose genius loci is deeply connected to Arsenal, has created a specific connection of people with the place that Relph points out to create a specific spatial experience [62]. In this study, the memory of the city lies in the stratification of its development that is an important factor in determining the key elements of urban identity and identifying tangible and intangible heritage as a pillar of its urban continuity. It is important to analyze how the new part of the new town has affected socio-spatial relations, bearing in mind that the new functions have made a radical departure, physically, functionally, and aesthetically (Figures 9 and 10), producing the socio-spatial segregation. Vujović states that the spatial and social segregation are the expected result of the development of post-socialist cities, whether they take place in an organized or spontaneous way [65]. Sodža points out that the coalition of capital and the state worked effectively to turn the town into a consumer machine, which intensified residential segregation and social fragmentation [66]. Such processes of the industrialization and privatization are often accompanied by the process of gentrification. Čaldarović states that this is inseparable from the process and the concept of urban renewal [67]. Gentrification, on the example of the urban regeneration of the Arsenal, is completed through the process of increasing the quality of life or lifestyle, whereby the higher strata of society influence the raising of the overall standard in that area. As gentrification can be understood with a negative sign, it is important to point out the very strong impact that the construction of the luxury nautical complex Porto Montenegro had on the increase in investment prices outside the "new town". According to the report from the Central Bank of Montenegro [68] from 2008 and the calculation of the hedonistic real estate index, it is indicated that the average real estate price of housing in Tivat for 2007 was EUR 973.65, while the average price per square meter in the first half of 2008 (according to the offers of real estate agencies) was EUR 2,230.80. This sharp rise in the price of investments outside the borders of Porto Montenegro indicates the direct impact of the newly formed complex, which can be monitored on the basis of measurable indicators of real estate turnover. According to the Strategy of Regional Development of Montenegro, increase in the real estate market from 2006 to 2007, from EUR 20,023,500.00 up to EUR 52,575,330.00, positioned Tivat on the second place, regarding to the level of development of local self-government units. By the degree of competitiveness for the period from 2009 to 2011 Tivat is also in the second place with a competitiveness index of 156.0 [69].
Another important moment in the expansion of the town's development is the paradoxical period of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) from 2007 to 2008, when investment policies become the dominant economic policies in the country. It classifies Montenegro as the most attractive destinations for the inflow of foreign investment [70]. Therefore, Montenegro paradoxically in times of crisis was in the group of ten transition countries that in 2007 achieved the largest inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) [57]. This period in the development of the town is crucial for understanding the process of discontinuities in the development of the town.

The New Value of the Nautical Town as a Stimulus for Destination Development
The luxury tourist complex Porto Montenegro ( Figure 11) has more than 650 berths. It is one of the most important nautical centers in Europe that forming a new value of the identity of the nautical town. In addition to the basic nautical infrastructure-marina, this tourist branch develops other supporting activities for the needs of vessels and its users. This is creating a nautical community complemented by the needs and desires of yacht owners. This tourist branch belongs to the elite tourism which concentrates a large amount of profit. It has a very large impact (whether with a positive or negative sign) on the development of the destination, but also a strong impact on the development of the region, as one of the very important research objectives. In this sense, measurable parameters have been considered: spatial impact, ecological impact, social impact, economic impact, but also natural protection, and cultural heritage (Table 1). These factors are analyzed through a number of parameters, with the aim to prove the undeniable impact of the Porto Montenegro complex on the development of new destinations and even on the region. It was measured by empirical research obtained through the survey results.
Porto Montenegro builds a very competitive position in the global market by creating a brand that promotes the luxurious lifestyle. The fact that this area has been used as a naval base for more than a century testifies to its ability to provide a safe haven for ships of all types and sizes. Therefore, nautical tourism destination as a tourist phenomenon is a natural continuation of its original purpose (Table 1). Another attribute of the competitive advantage of the Tivat marina on the global market is the proximity of Tivat airport, which enables the fast connections to many destinations. The key arguments in favor of Tivat's competitiveness on the global network are the geographical affiliation to the Bay of Kotor and the proximity of Kotor (11.3 km), the town on the UNESCO list [71] of protected areas (The Old town of Kotor has been on the UNESCO World Heritage List since 1979). Favorable hydrographic and climatic conditions on the location and the large number of other tourist destinations in the vicinity (Perast, Prčanj, Herceg Novi, Budva…), pointed to the importance of the geographical proximity and the accessibility of regionaloutside tourist destinations, such as: Dubrovnik, Zadar, Split, and many others are the advantages of the town of Tivat.
The construction of the nautical tourist complex has stimulated the development of numerous new investments which aspired to become the new tourist centers in this part of Europe and the Mediterranean. It is possible to measure the spatial and the economic impact of Porto Montenegro on the local and wider context ( Figure 11). It engages new spaces, or repurposes existing ones, encouraging the construction of new tourist facilities and infrastructure, raising the level of service and tourist offerings in the environment, increasing the employment and labor force to a higher standard and so on. It also has other socio-cultural benefits, such as: increased degree of urbanization, recognizability of the destination and growth of the -quality of life in the local community (Table 1).  Figure 12 and Table 1). This is transforming the Bay of Kotor into the leading tourist destination in the Mediterranean. Through the amendments to the State Study of the Arsenal site adopted by the State Assembly in October 2019 [51], the development trend has been continued. The amendments created conditions for building and encouraging further development of the wider area. Such a program is an opportunity to acquire Montenegrin citizenship through investments [73] that clearly defines the locations and minimum amount for investments. All official plans and strategies until 2020/2030 recommend the growth of the tourist offer and capacity, in order to make this area competitive not only in the region, but in the entire Mediterranean.  This development approach is affirmative if sustainable development is imperative, and if the space is planned by taking into account the "carrying capacity", environmental principles and principles of protection and promotion of cultural and historical heritage, all in order to ensure its competitiveness in the global market. However, the process of capital urbanization is largely uncontrolled and, as such, leads to negative repercussions within the space, resulting in hyper urbanization and devastation, which particularly affected the Bay of Kotor ( Figure 12). Therefore, the town today is very often presented as a commercial product [74], especially in recent years when the town is experiencing a crisis of the capitalist political and social system. Thus commercialization of the town is reduced to various market tools, leading to a very risky position in which the removal of Kotor from the UNESCO list is threatened. The World Heritage Committee raised warning of the risk that uncontrolled urbanization ( Figure 13) could have on the universal values of the area [75]. Nevertheless, the hyper urbanization of the area and its continuous devastation continues, which resulted in the endangerment of this part of the UNESCO heritage reaching its peak [75]. As this posed a great risk of removing the bay from the UNESCO list the Government adopted an Action Plan. The Ministry of Culture [76], was responsible for adopting of the Heritage Impact Assessment (HIA) document as a key study to assess the impact on the cultural and the natural heritage [71]. In this context, it is important to point out -the recommendations defined by the Tivat Development Strategy until 2020 [63] which identifies two options for spatial development of the Municipality of Tivat. One is cohesive and directs the existing trend towards sustainable development. The other option is competitive and envisages greater development of tourism in the entire municipality and an increase in population [47].
Another very important impact factor that the construction of such a nautical center imposes on the local and regional context is the environmental factor. It can be interpreted in two ways from aspects of environmental protection. By brownfield regeneration of the former shipyard, the contaminated area was partially rehabilitated, providing the new and quality public spaces. Nevertheless, the measurable parameters are indicators of the presence of very harmful metals in the area of the former Arsenal, which have not been completely rehabilitated and, as such, pose a serious danger from the aspect of the ecology and the environmental protection (Table 1). The lack of the nautical marina is related to the pollution of the environment. Average annual attendance of the marina (Table 1) indicates high risks of marine pollution and has wider negative regional impact. The new urban plan of the shipyard Arsenal brings the new aesthetic value labeled as the "new town". It builds a completely new identity of a luxury nautical marina by using an architectural expression that is not grounded in the local context. "New Economy" has brought the new criteria in shaping architectural realizations (Figure 10), which is often completely acontextual and copied from neoclassical stylistic models, with periodically roughly copied and forcibly used traditional architectural elements. Such a town is a pure product of uniform, commodified spaces on a global level, which has the universal characteristics of a market-economic town, adapted to the universal trend of consumerist values.

Results and Comparative Analysis
The concept of the Porto Montenegro project has an imperative of sustainable development and aspects that are analyzed through several spatial and non-spatial parameters. Previous studies addressed in the literature review did not use such methodological approaches. The contribution of this research is in the results that indicate clear positive but also negative indicators of the impact of brownfield sites on urban transformation, which, in the future, may serve to improve sustainable spatial planning at brownfield sites. In order to address all parameters properly it was necessary to introduce evaluation principles, set criteria which resulted in quantitative and qualitative results. Such approaches for sustainability goals imply very complex consideration which include: spatial, economic, social, environmental, and numerous other factors. In further methodological analysis they are divided into numerous subcategories that are dealing with identified spatial aspects. They are reflected through the new physical structures and their relationship with the old part of the town, aesthetic and architectural language of newly built buildings, gentrification process, analysis of public spaces, analysis of the new content, etc.
On the other hand, there are non-spatial factors that strongly influence the design and status of the town, such as: social, economic, and environmental factors. These factors are further divided into numerous subcategories which are important for understanding complex processes and relationships related to urban regeneration process. All the abovementioned factors are presented and explained by descriptive and measurable parameters through the specific criteria and technique evaluation for the case of Arsenal. This gives a very complex tabular results and indicate a realistic overview of the present conditions. Bearing in mind that the theoretical views often do not correspond to the point of user's views, the focus of the research is directed to comparative analysis of the results obtained in surveys research parameters, as well as the results from theoretical assumptions. The survey was conducted on a random sample of 201 citizens of Montenegro, who have a permanent or temporary residence in Montenegro. A special focus was on the results of the survey of citizens of Tivat, who are predominantly participants in this sociourban process. The target group and the results of the survey are presented in Section 4.1. The research target three cycles of Tivat development and compares their aspects through: the period of the centenary of the Arsenal, the period of petrification and stagnation in the period of Arsenal's cessation until its sale, and, finally, the period caused by urban regeneration of Arsenal and its transformations into the nautical center named Porto Montenegro. The next target of the research is to examine the impact factors of the Porto Montenegro at the local, regional, and global level, which was also evaluated within this research through several different factors: spatial impact, ecological impact, social impact, economic impact, and impact on UNESCO cultural heritage or natural heritage zone, as well as the extent to which this urban regeneration has affected the development of new destinations (Table 1).

Survey Research Analysis
Total number of n = 201 respondents participated in the research, but 14 of them did not pass the screening question: "did you visit or stay in Tivat?". The final sample for processing counted n = 187 respondents where 48.7% was male. The average age of respondents was M = 35.8 ± 10.2 with a range from 20 to 70 years. The sample consisted of 13.9% of students, 4.8% of the unemployed, while the other respondents were employed. Of the respondents, 1.6% had primary school education, 16% secondary school, 9.6% higher education, while 72.7% of respondents have a university degree. From the total number of respondents, 32.1% had permanent or temporary residence in Tivat and 66.8% did not have a residence in Tivat. There were more university graduates in the group of respondents who stayed in Tivat as tourists (86.4%) unlike the respondents from Tivat whose percentage is lower (45.2%) ( Table 2).  Table 3 shows the attitudes and assessments of respondents to those influential factors relevant for understanding the process of urban regeneration and transformation of Tivat. For 38.5% of respondents the military shipyard Arsenal in memory means the main place of the employment of citizens, for 24.1% it was a visual marker of the town, while 16% noted it as a place of cultural and social interaction and events. Some respondents believe (2.1%) that it has historical value. Only one respondent stated that the Arsenal military shipyard was a link with the region and the World. Negative memories regarding Arsenal were present in 11.8% of respondents, pointing to it as an environmental problem of the town. Most of the respondents believe that the construction of Porto Montenegro had no impact on the Bay of Kotor status on UNESCO list (58.6%).
The opinion of respondents about the impact of Porto Montenegro on the living standards of the population of Tivat is as follows. About 69% of respondents believe that this impact is reflected through an increase in seasonal jobs, an increase in number of tourists (68.4%), increased foreign investment (65.2%), increased real estate sales (56.7%), increased number of permanent jobs (42.8%), and increased number of private accommodation capacities (42.2%).
The respondents evaluated a moderate level of the spatial (3.15 ± 1.40), the economic (3.68 ± 1.22) and the social (3.56 ± 1.27) segregation. They also believe that the construction of Porto Montenegro has a strong impact on the construction of: new public spaces (4.08 ± 1.08), new facilities in the town (4.08 ± 1.15), new tourist facilities (4.20 ± 1, 10), and supporting infrastructure (3.76 ± 1.23). There is also medium impact on the spatial devastation (3.10 ± 1.39) and a small impact on the hyper urbanization (2.48 ± 1.39).
The construction of Porto Montenegro has an average impact on the ecological status of the town implemented through the following aspects: increased number of berths in the marina affecting the flora and fauna of the sea (3.54 ± 1.30), cleaning the contaminated area of heavy metals left overs (3.40 ± 1.27 ), increase in the number of berths in the marina that increased pollution (3.36 ± 1.22), construction of the new green areas affected the reduction in pollution (3.11 ± 1.36), and increased construction of new facilities increases pollution (3.00 ± 1.23). The construction of new public spaces had a small impact on the reduction in pollution (2.44 ± 1.14).
The new tourist center in the Bay of Kotor (3.83 ± 0.96) and the proximity of Tivat Airport, as well as good transportation and traffic infrastructure (3.81 ± 0.96) are the leading potentials of Porto Montenegro today. Porto Montenegro has a medium potential for environmental impact in terms of cleaning up contaminated Arsenal area (3.08 ± 1.22).
Respondents with permanent residence in Tivat and those who stayed in this town as tourists differ only when it comes to the memory meaning of the shipyard Arsenal (p < 0.001). More than half of Tivat residents (56.5%) have the association that Arsenal was the main place of employment. From the view of tourists, Arsenal is the town's visual marker (31.2%) and the main place of employment for citizens (29.6%). Categorical variables are presented through frequencies (percentages). Numerical variables are shown through a mean value ± standard deviation (minimum-maximum); a Hi square test; b t test was performed.
By one-factor analysis of repeated measure ANOVA, we examined whether there were differences in citizens' perceptions of various aspects of Tivat in three periods. These periods are: during the operation of the Arsenal military shipyard, the period from the closure of the Arsenal to the start of construction of Porto Montenegro (1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006) and from the start of operation of Porto Montenegro to the present (2006-2021) ( Table 4).
Citizens are more satisfied with the spatial appearance of Tivat in the period from the beginning of Porto Montenegro operation (3.86 ± 0.96), than in the period of Arsenal (2.43 ± 1.06) and the period of Porto Montenegro construction (2.44 ± 1.13).
Comparing the living standards of the inhabitants, the surveyed citizens are most satisfied with the standard in the period from the beginning of the operation of Porto Montenegro (3.27 ± 1.02), followed by the period during the operation of the Arsenal (2.93 ± 1.09). The assessment of the living standard in the period from the cessation of the operation of Arsenal to the beginning of the construction of Porto Montenegro is poor (2.30 ± 1.01).
An interesting conclusion was obtained regarding the respondents' satisfaction with the ecological status of the town in these three periods. The worse ecological status of Tivat was during the operation of Arsenal (2.38 ± 1.02) in relation to the period of work of Porto Montenegro (2.47 ± 0.99). However, the ecological status is more favorable in the period from 1992 to 2006 (3.13 ± 0.93) compared to the period of construction and operation of Porto Montenegro.
Social relations are more favorable in the period of Arsenal's operation (3.03 ± 1.13) and in the period of Porto Montenegro's operation (3.23 ± 1.05) compared to the period from 1992 to 2006 (2.49 ± 1.07). It should be noted that the social attitude towards the perception of citizens is similar during the Arsenal and Porto Montenegro operations, i.e., there is no statistically significant difference between the two periods.
Combining analysis of variance (SPANOVA) we tested the impact of demographic characteristics: gender, age, employment status, education, and reason for staying in Tivat. We also considered satisfaction: the spatial appearance of Tivat, living standards, ecological status of the town, and social relations in the town. Socio-demographic variables do not show a statistically significant impact (Table 5 and Scheme 1).

Comparative Analysis of Survey Research Analysis and Theoretical Research
The main idea of this study is to perform a comparative analysis of the results of both researches, in order to emphasize the relationship between respondents' cumulative subjective experiences and the real indicators obtained by the authors through the research on-site. It is interesting that the results of both researches are mostly compatible, which indicates the fact that the users clearly perceive and understand socio-urban processes. All these facts confirm the theoretical and the statistical data.
The important aspects at the beginning of questionnaire are the memory of the town as an important identity category, which indicates the connection between respondents and the town, its history and genesis. The common awareness of the space is determined by a series of visible or implicit symbols that articulate collective ideas and belonging space and become symbols of collective identity [78]. The memory of the town that lies in the stratification of its development is an important factor in determining the key elements of urban identity and identifying tangible and intangible heritage. It is a pillar of its urban continuity. This non-spatial factor was measured and evaluated in relation to the time spent in the town, which is an important criterion that indicates the connection of visitors with the place ( Table 6, Table 7 and Figure 14). "Lived identity" [79] can become a serious resource and the potential for the creation of urban identity, which Suttlets labeled as "cumulative texture of local urban culture" [80] and Bogdanović "a synopsis of the city" [81]. Both studies point to the fact that the memory of the town is more pronounced in the local population of Tivat and differs from the results of respondents from other cities ( Table 3). Residents of Tivat, 56.5% of them, believe that Arsenal is a synonym for the place of employment of Tivat residents, and a place of concentration of social interaction. Tourists perceive Arsenal as the main visual marker of the town (31.2%), the opposite from locals (9.7%) ( Table 3). The results of the survey also indicate that the citizens of Tivat evaluate the social relations in the town as almost the same during the period of Arsenal's and Porto Montenegro's operations. These parameters fall sharply during the period of stagnation and cessation of Arsenal shipyard (Table 3). Another important aspect is the impact of the Porto Montenegro construction to the social, spatial and economic segregation in Tivat. The spatial and the social segregation are the expected result of the development of modern post-socialist cities, whether they take place in an organized or spontaneous manner [65]. The coalition of capital and the state worked effectively to turn the town into a consumer machine, which intensifies residential segregation and social fragmentation [66]. Nevertheless, the surveyed participants partially confirm this statement, evaluating it by the average level of the segregation, giving preference to the economic, rather than social and spatial segregation ( Table  3).
The study included an analysis of Porto Montenegro impacts on: creation of the new public spaces and new facilities in the town, construction of new tourist facilities with supporting infrastructure; as well as negative effects such as spatial devastation and hyper urbanization. Respondents mostly estimated that Porto Montenegro had benefits for the construction of new public spaces and facilities (4.08 (1-5)), but also that it greatly influenced the construction of new tourist facilities (4.20 ± 1.10)-5)), which is fully compatible with measurable research indicators (Table 6). It is interesting that the respondents evaluate the impact of the luxury complex on the space devastation (3.10 ± 1.39 (1-5)) and hyper urbanization (2.48 ± 1.39 (1-5)) with the lowest score. It was important to review the impact factor of Porto Montenegro on the status of the Bay of Kotor on the UNESCO list, which, due to hyper urbanization and devastation of space, could be endangered, especially by informal construction in the previous period. Analyses imply that Porto Montenegro has influenced the construction of a large number of the new formal and informal tourist facilities and resorts (Table 1), that indirectly devastate the surrounding area. However, a face-to-face survey indicates that the largest percentage of citizens, 58.6% of them, believe that Porto Montenegro has not affected the Bay of Kotor status on the UNESCO list. An important fact is that the respondents showed dissatisfaction with the spatial appearance of Tivat in the first two periods, and that they positively evaluated the appearance of the town since the beginning of Porto Montenegro operation (3.86 ± 0.96) ( Table 3).
The impact of Porto Montenegro on the living standard of Tivat residents was also observed and evaluated by a survey through several aspects, such as: number of seasonal jobs, number of tourists, number of foreign investments, real estate sales, number of permanent jobs, and number and issuance of private accommodation capacities ( Table 3). The economic growth in Tivat since the construction of Porto Montenegro has been confirmed through the number of measurable parameters, shown in Table 6. This indicates the highest average salaries from all Montenegrin municipalities, as well as increasing number of jobs, new tourist capacity, rising real estate prices, etc. This is confirmed by the subjective experience of the survey respondents who are mostly satisfied with the standard of living in the period since the beginning of Porto Montenegro (3.27 ± 1.02), compared to the period of the "golden age" of Arsenal. The parameters indicate that this project also increased the national gross income. The economic impact of Porto Montenegro is significantly higher than the municipal level (Table 6).
Both the military shipyard and the center of nautical tourism pose a risk to the town's ecological status, due to the presence of heavy metals and oil, which have polluted water and soil. This topic is one of the most important in this research. Since the focus is on sustainable principles of urban regeneration, brownfield sites often necessarily bring the topic of contamination of the area, so it is necessary to consider all the circumstances and methods taken as measures to rehabilitate the area from adverse effects. All data obtained during the research (Table 6) indicate worrying parameters of space contamination, inherited in the period of Arsenal's operation, which was partially remedied after the construction of Porto Montenegro. On the other hand, the data indicate that the new complex also brings a new type of pollution, which originates from a large number of berths for yachts, a high frequency of maritime traffic and a huge number of newly built facilities. It can be concluded that the contamination has been partially remedied, and, with the construction of new public spaces and green areas, the level of pollution in the area has been reduced. Respondents had the opportunity to evaluate the ecological status of the town through a survey, comparing three targeted periods in its genesis. Citizens believe that Porto Montenegro has improved the poor environmental status of Arsenal, but they also verify the statement that public spaces have absorbed the pollution (2.44 ± 1.14 (1-5)) (Tables 3 and  4).   (a) workload, (b) mismatches between responsibility and authority, (c) stability of the humans' work environment, (d) coherency of the function allocation, (e) interruptions, (f) automation boundary conditions, (g) system cost and performance, (h) humans' ability to adapt to context [82] a-h A2.
Pseudo-public spaces are large squares, parks and thoroughfares that appear to be public but are actually owned and controlled by developers and corporations. It is done in a such categories: pseudo-public (PP), pseudo-private space (PPS) or public spaces ( Number of available vessels in the water area working in Tivat, in order to show that an increase in the number of vessels increases pollution [85] number of vessels E2. Green politics/sustainability/respect for diversity-sustainability in the context of real-life socio-ecological problem solving. A reaction to the challenges previously (within the last twenty years) and currently faced by the practice of environmental assessment. Green politics are done through descriptive parameters, such as: demographic revitalization of space, tourism development, energy efficiency, environmental protection, air protection policies, sea protection polices, polices for the protection of natural resources and biodiversity, protection of existing and recording of new cultural heritage, noise protection etc. [51].
descriptive parameters and -3 to 3

E3.
Contamination done by few aspects: drinking water quality, bathing water quality, solid floating waste entering the sea, contaminants and organic matter, nutrients and biological status [85] 1-5 Today, cities strive to become competitive on the market of capital, goods, and services on the basis of specific local resources, i.e., on the basis of the ability to create a specific quality from local resources [90]. The research mapped numerous potentials of Porto Montenegro at the local, regional and global level, and they were reviewed through a survey. Respondents believe that the greatest potential is the proximity of Tivat Airport and the good traffic infrastructure, as well as the fact that Porto Montenegro is emerging as a new tourist center in the Bay of Kotor. It affects the development of the town as a regional center of nautical tourism ( Table 3). The results of the survey indicate that citizens have a good perception of relations within the town, and much less perceive the strong impact that Porto Montenegro has on the development of new destinations (Table 3). This is confirmed by numerous indicators in the field, such as construction "new cities syndrome", including Luštica and Porto Novi. Porto Novi is also an example of urban regeneration of the former military base Kumbor. The rapid development of new tourist destinations near Porto Montenegro, as well as master plans for the establishment and construction of new ones, such as: Metropol development (St. Mark's Island), Quatary Diar (Blue horizons), Boka Place, Porto Novi, Bigova, and others, indicates the strong impact of Porto Montenegro on destination development (Table 1).

Conclusions
Brownfield regeneration is recognized as an important issue in the urban regeneration process in cities all around the world. Regeneration of waterfront brownfield sites have the potential and important role in the process of improving urban identities and developing sustainable tourist destinations. It is often due to the their memory values, as well as attractive and large areas that they occupy in the urban space. Due to the complexity of these spatial phenomena, numerous factors affect the success of brownfield and industrial waterfront regeneration.
This study investigates the impacts and consequences of the radical regeneration of the industrial waterfront site in Tivat, Montenegro. An innovative combined methodological approach was performed, with emphasis on critical theoretical argumentation, empirical research, and comparative analysis. The results of the research proved that the brownfield regeneration process had a significant impact on the development of Tivat in the context of sustainability. The brownfield regeneration of the Arsenal created a new value for the nautical town as a stimulus for the development of the destination, whose impact on the town, the wider context, and the region, was evaluated. A number of different socio-spatial, economic, ecological impact were treated, with special focus on the sensitivity of the context from the aspect of cultural heritage and environmental protection.
The obtained results indicate the importance of adequate attitude towards industrial heritage as a part of cultural heritage, classified as a suitable platform for the implementation of the concept of sustainable development, for the improvement of urban environments in economic, ecological, social, and environmental terms (Table 1). From a military shipyard, the space has been transformed into a new center of nautical tourism, which represents a radical urban transformation.
The results of the research indicate indisputable positive influences, which are especially reflected through the economic and partially ecological aspects, which transformed the contaminated industrial area into new urban values of the town, creating a new economic standard for all citizens (Table 6). However, effects of transformation are not necessarily positive, but on the contrary. The radical changes that occurred in this case, had some destructive effects in terms of spatial values of the town, which affected even the devastation of the ambient of the Bay of Kotor, resulting in a risky position of its status on the UNESCO list. An important segment analyzed in this paper are social impacts which also have double implications. On the one hand new social and cultural contents and new values of public spaces are created, while on the other hand we noted the presence of elements of gentrification and social segregation which may problematize the question of the ethics of the new town.
The obtained results can be applied in the further development of policy, taking into account practical achievements of brownfield regeneration. As Montenegro, in its official policies and strategies of sustainable development, has marked brownfield sites as an important economic potential and space for new urban regenerations, it is important to draw attention to the impacts that such interventions may have on the wider spatial context. This primarily refers to very sensitive planning in brownfields, emphasizing the capacity of space, cultural and historical values of the existing context, while respecting the principles of architectural heritage protection and environmental principles, all with the aim of sustainable urban planning and sustainable urban renewal.
This sustainable urban renewal model creates a structural reorganization of the area that was developed by combining several frames, leading from brownfield regeneration to complete renewal and transformation, such as: (1) creating the new spatial parameters, improving ecological conditions, landscapes that communicate closely with town, and increasing the density of spatial parameters by making a completely new functional transformation of the urban structure; (2) creating a new relationship: user-content relationships, and physical background vs. spatial background, formation of new functional zones, cultural frameworks, new jobs and professions by accompanying activities, public areas, and greenery; (3) creating a model of decontamination of the polluted area of Arsenal and the use of environmental drivers to improve economic opportunities and social benefits; (4) prioritization of changes and monitoring of state plan in accordance with the state studies of the location and spatial plan of special purpose in order to avoid construction, hyper urbanization, and devastation of the surrounding area. The value of the urban context becomes greater by retaining elements of shipyard in the landscape as a reminiscence of the previous purpose of space. In this way, the intangible memories of older generations and habits of current and future users are permeated. Porto Montenegro has become a reference point for the urban regeneration of the Montenegrin coast and wider.
The research identified that the brownfield regeneration of Arsenal and the development of a new part of the city named Porto Montenegro influenced the waterfront regeneration of new sites on the Montenegrin coast. However, a scientific approach related to the urban regeneration of these areas has not been recorded.
Further research can be related to the comparison with other examples and their success based on the indicators of urban regeneration adopted in this paper. Arsenal, i.e., Porto Montenegro, is an example of an open urban laboratory in the Mediterranean, which can be a guide on how to measure the success of the brownfield urban regeneration process in a particular area.
Limitations in the work refer to the unavailability of the complete archive material and technical documentation of the case study, identification of the roles of all actors in the process of Arsenal brownfield regeneration, i.e., the perception and the aspiration of the new ownership structure. Despite limitations, a comparative analysis of the results obtained through theoretical and survey research have gained more objective results.
The importance of the results contribute to a better understanding of the consequences that urban renewal can gradually bring to the town, but also to the wider context. This study can serve in further studies for successful models of contemporary brownfield regeneration in the context of the sustainable urban development, both in Montenegro and in other countries burdened with industrial heritage, especially in the context of sustainability of tourist destinations. Results of the study can be used for further theoretical research, practical application and comparison with other cultural contexts. By defining new integrated methodological and spatial patterns and criteria for sustainable brownfield regeneration, i.e., waterfront industrial regeneration, their valorization and management in the context of preserving the identity and cultural specifics of the particular cultural environment can be obtained.
Funding: This research received no external funding.

Conflicts of Interest:
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.