Tourism Impacts, Tourism-Phobia and Gentrification in Historic Centers: The Cases of Málaga (Spain) and Gdansk (Poland)

This study analyzes the role of residents in urban tourist destinations affected by the increase in tourist flows, which have generated various problems such as tourism, gentrification and the emergence of tourism as a threat to residents. The role of residents in tourist destinations has not been analyzed regularly during the development process of destinations. We study two cases of historic centers in European cities, with the aim of comparing tourism problems, which are common to most European urban destinations. This study was conducted by administering surveys amongst residents of these historic centers (378 in Málaga, Spain, and 380 in Gdansk, Poland). These cities show a similar demographic size and urban characteristics. This is the first comparative research on tourism-phobia and gentrification in destinations, a field of analysis that is still not studied much. We develop specific scales to measure gentrification and tourism-phobia; moreover, we study the impact of some tourist problems that affect residents (noise, dirt, occupation of public spaces, etc.), and we show the spatial distribution of tourism-phobia. The same analysis instruments are used for both cities. The results of this study show that the tourism-phobia situation is different in the analyzed destinations. It is more intense in the case of Málaga than in Gdansk. The two historic centers are especially affected by the processes of increased tourist flows and the growth of new forms of tourist accommodation. The research results show that the residents’ annoyance caused by tourism gentrification is more intense than tourism-phobia. Both case studies highlight the residents’ complaints regarding the inadequate management of problems by public stakeholders and


Introduction
Urban tourism is one of the segments that has increased most since the onset of mass tourism [1]. This tourist segment has grown exponentially over the last two decades owing to two main factors: lower travel costs, especially air travel [2,3], and the dissemination of new communication technologies which have intensely impacted new tourist accommodation and marketing formulas [4]. Furthermore, the transformation of historic centers through their conversion into attractive settings has greatly driven urban tourism [5].
In light of the various issues attributed to the majority of historic cities (loss of population, economic activity, political representation functions, inter alia), tourism has become the main economic activity [6]. Tourism generates jobs, improves the historic landscape and develops the quality of life of residents [3].
In addition to the undoubted benefits associated with the development of tourism, especially in large historic centers, this phenomenon also generates various problems. Changes caused by excessive tourism pressure lead to changes in the original functions of The problems that affect the residents of any tourist destination with a high tourist intensity are similar: a reduction in residents in historic centers, the disappearance of traditional commerce, the reduction in the purchasing power of residents, an increase in housing prices, the strong growth in cruises, an increase in the supply of accommodation on collaborative platforms, commodification of the public spaces, unstable employment in the tourist sector and environmental impacts mainly owing to rubbish and noise, amongst other issues [48]. These issues that affect destinations may be explained as a consequence of tourist massification and saturation which exceeds the carrying capacity of the destination. The criticisms levelled at these problems deriving from tourist massification and its inappropriate management are classified under the term tourism-phobia [40]. The criticisms known as tourism-phobia are what have most drawn the attention of the media, as tourism has been a sector which has barely suffered any social or political criticism, as usually its positive side is always highlighted.
Tourism-phobia of differing degrees of intensity is a phenomenon that has been extending beyond the best-known cases of Barcelona or Venice. Hence, the studies indicate that in many cities and destinations of the world there have been problems related to tourism. This is the case in Berlin, where issues have been identified related to gentrification and touristification [49]; in Palma de Mallorca (Spain), with the touristification and urban transformation of the historic center [50,51]; in the center of Amsterdam, where overcrowding problems and the irritation of visitors have been observed [52]; in Reykjavik [53] and Paris [15], where protests against the proliferation of tourist housing have taken place; and in other locations where street protests expressing social irritation, which have been covered by media [54].
In opposition to the concept of tourism-phobia, the term tourism-philia arises, which refers to the perception of the positive effects of tourism on the local economy and society [55]. This concept can be framed within the euphoria phase defined by the Doxey model [18]; on the other hand, at later stages, it can be associated with discourse and actions carried out by actors in the tourism sector that highlight the positive aspects of tourism [55]. On the other hand, it is possible to point out the positive perception and support for tourism activity by a group of the residents who show an attitude opposed to tourism-phobia. These residents are aware of the negative aspects of tourism and mainly value the positive contribution in economic and social terms [56].
Venice is the most frequently considered example used regarding the problems suffered by a local community due to over-tourism [57]. The various problems that affect the historic center (island of Venice) have made the island lose population in favor of the mainland since 1950. The loss of employment in non-tourist sectors, the increase in the housing price, the disappearance of traditional shops and the spread of corruption, amongst other problems, have caused all economic activity to be focused on tourism [58]. One of the major problems regarding local tourism management is the arrival of large cruise ships that bring to shore thousands of passengers. The cruise has exacerbated the problems already suffered by Venetian residents: increased prices, pressure on cultural and natural resources, etc. [59]. A sign of strong tourist pressure is the fact that only 25% of visitors stay in the city [59]. Venice has become a good example of a city transformed into a theme park for tourism. The loss of population and the increasing dependence on tourism cause the intensification of tourism activity.
Alcalde, Guitart, Pitarch and Vallvé [60] indicated that the tourism-phobia concept has been used erroneously, as social discontent owing to excess tourists is confused with the rejection of tourists and tourism. To be precise, these authors rejected the idea that there is any phobia of tourism in one of the most tourist-driven European destinations, Barcelona. They put down the discontent to coexistence issues and tourist activity management. Others insist that we need to know the factors that foster resilience amongst residents and allow adaptation to the impacts of tourism, even in historic centers, as in the study by Janusz, Six and Vanneste [61] for the city of Bruges. It is proposed to turn around the Sustainability 2021, 13, 408 5 of 25 analysis of the social exchange theory, a theory that has been widely studied in research related to tourism [62]. In light of the above, the following hypotheses are put forward: Hypothesis 1. Tourism-phobia is related to the impacts generated by tourism.

Hypothesis 2.
Tourism-phobia is perceived by residents with a different intensity.
Another of the aspects that significantly impacts the residents of tourist historic centers is gentrification. This concept is also known as "elitization". The term gentrification was used for the first time by Ruth Glass [63] in 1964 to describe the moving of residence of the middle-class population to working-class districts of London, bringing about the transformation of humble houses into elegant dwellings. Someone who gentrifies is defined by David Ley [64] as coming from a middle-class background, usually without any children and frequently single, young, with a moderate or high salary, who has moved to a gentrified space (a fashionable place), owing to the services that the area offers (culture, employment) and which are attractive to this group. This process leads to the total transformation of the life components of the previous district.
It has been asserted that gentrification is a powerful force that frequently rapidly transforms the physical, economic and social appearance of a city, particularly in its central area [5]. Many aspects of gentrification are based on national urban policies and regeneration and revitalization strategies [65], policies that are adapted to globalization and neoliberal urbanism [66,67]. A relevant characteristic is the aging of the population in these areas [68] and the expulsion of the population with low incomes. The historic and business centers of many cities have become a powerful attraction for social groups with high purchasing power, emphasizing that it is a global phenomenon [69].
In Spain and Poland, gentrification is a process that is occurring in most large tourist cities, including the urban places studied. The causes of this problem cannot be wholly attributed to tourism, but in recent years this sector has been making a decisive contribution, in particular in historic centers and in heavily touristified areas. The consequences of this process are similar in urban tourist spaces: the proliferation of tourist apartments, an increase in the housing purchase and rental prices; the displacement and/or expulsion of residents; and the disappearance of traditional commerce, replaced by gourmet businesses, boutiques and restaurant franchises [70]. The increase in housing prices is the thing that has sparked the most criticism amongst residents and public administrations [71]. This social, economic and urbanistic transformation process of a global nature is what some authors have defined as the McDonaldization of society [72], which means homogenizing cities in such a way that the tourist can consume the same if he is in Berlin or Peking. As regards the process of expulsion of the traditional population, the works of Hidalgo and Hernández [73] and Hernández et al. [74] observe the resistance of the population to leave, describing the feeling of pride and attachment to the location of the residents as an element which explains the permanence and resilience or adaptation to the economic and urban impacts on historic centers.
The gentrification process intensely influenced by tourism is what is known as tourist gentrification, a phenomenon that is mainly concentrated in cities, although this process is also located in rural and natural areas. Historic urban spaces or urban areas with cultural value are the most affected by tourist gentrification, due to the high business expectations linked to urban tourism. The removal of traditional residents and the processes related to urban renewal, real estate investments and the disappearance of traditional stores are the aspects most commented upon [51,[75][76][77][78]. The expansion of accommodation through collaborative platforms has intensified tourist gentrification in recent years [79]. In line with that set out above, the following hypothesis is put forward: There is a relationship between tourism-phobia and tourism gentrification.

Study Areas
Gdansk is a city located in Poland, in the Pomeranian Voivodeship, on the Baltic Sea at the mouth of Motlawa to Wisla on the Gulf of Gdansk ( Figure 1). The city is an important economic, cultural and scientific center for the northern part of Poland, being the capital of the Pomeranian Voivodeship. Due to its location, Gdansk has been strongly associated with the maritime system since the beginnings of the history of the city, for centuries playing the role of the main commercial port in this part of Poland. In 2019, Gdansk  Hypothesis 3. There is a relationship between tourism-phobia and tourism gentrification.

Study Areas
Gdansk is a city located in Poland, in the Pomeranian Voivodeship, on the Baltic Sea at the mouth of Motlawa to Wisla on the Gulf of Gdansk ( Figure 1). The city is an important economic, cultural and scientific center for the northern part of Poland, being the capital of the Pomeranian Voivodeship. Due to its location, Gdansk has been strongly associated with the maritime system since the beginnings of the history of the city, for centuries playing the role of the main commercial port in this part of Poland.  The establishment and development of hotel facilities in Gdansk have rich historic traditions. The first historically tourist accommodation in Gdansk was established in 1570, and in 1722, the Englische Haus (English House) was built at 16 Chlebnicka Street. The period of the Second World War is associated with enormous damage to heritage and urban development. Most of the hotels were destroyed during this war, including the Continental, Danzigerhof, Deutsches Haus, Grand Hotel Reichshof and Monopol. Since 2000, the hotel accommodation offered in Gdansk has grown widely, and more than half of the hotels have been built after this period. Between 1995 and 2018, the number of beds in Gdansk rose from 11,567 to 21,645, with about 38% of the accommodation in hotels (8214 beds) and 21% in student houses (4665). In addition, about 33% of the beds in Gdansk's accommodation base were concentrated in other unclassified facilities (7135 beds). This group was dominated by beds in private accommodation, guest rooms and collaborative platform offers [80].
In the period of 2015-2018, the number of visitors to Gdansk rose from 1,966,395 to 3,110,755 visitors. The number of foreign tourists who visited Gdansk doubled in the years 2008-2018 ( Figure 2). In 2018, the average length of a tourist's stay in Gdansk was four nights. In the analysis of the origin of foreign tourists visiting Gdansk, the dominance of tourists originating from Germany (31% of visitors), Scandinavian countries (30%) and Great Britain (18%) is visible. The largest increase in the number of foreign tourists was The establishment and development of hotel facilities in Gdansk have rich historic traditions. The first historically tourist accommodation in Gdansk was established in 1570, and in 1722, the Englische Haus (English House) was built at 16 Chlebnicka Street. The period of the Second World War is associated with enormous damage to heritage and urban development. Most of the hotels were destroyed during this war, including the Continental, Danzigerhof, Deutsches Haus, Grand Hotel Reichshof and Monopol. Since 2000, the hotel accommodation offered in Gdansk has grown widely, and more than half of the hotels have been built after this period. Between 1995 and 2018, the number of beds in Gdansk rose from 11,567 to 21,645, with about 38% of the accommodation in hotels (8214 beds) and 21% in student houses (4665). In addition, about 33% of the beds in Gdansk's accommodation base were concentrated in other unclassified facilities (7135 beds). This group was dominated by beds in private accommodation, guest rooms and collaborative platform offers [80].
In the period of 2015-2018, the number of visitors to Gdansk rose from 1,966,395 to 3,110,755 visitors. The number of foreign tourists who visited Gdansk doubled in the years 2008-2018 ( Figure 2). In 2018, the average length of a tourist's stay in Gdansk was four nights. In the analysis of the origin of foreign tourists visiting Gdansk, the dominance of tourists originating from Germany (31% of visitors), Scandinavian countries (30%) and Great Britain (18%) is visible. The largest increase in the number of foreign tourists was recorded in the group of tourists from Scandinavian countries. In 2018, about 50,000 tourists came from Scandinavian countries and about 30,000 came from Great Britain. The very high dynamics of the number of arrivals to Gdansk in recent years is characteristic. A notable seasonality is observed: during 2019, 34.1% of nights take place between June and August, and seasonality is higher among foreign visitors than domestic visitors. [80]. recorded in the group of tourists from Scandinavian countries. In 2018, about 50,000 tourists came from Scandinavian countries and about 30,000 came from Great Britain. The very high dynamics of the number of arrivals to Gdansk in recent years is characteristic. A notable seasonality is observed: during 2019, 34.1% of nights take place between June and August, and seasonality is higher among foreign visitors than domestic visitors. [80]. As regards the arrangement of tourism accommodation in Gdansk, there are significant spatial disparities ( Figure 6). There is a clear offer concentration in the center of the city: Of the total amount of hotels in Gdansk (56), 36 are located in the study area. From a total of 8214 beds in Gdansk hotels, about 38% (4798 beds) are in hotels in the study area. In addition, out of the remaining 349 accommodation establishments, 138 are in the study area. Beds located in other accommodation facilities number 1566, constituting 21.9% of the total number of beds [80].
The Śródmieście district, the area of study, covers an area of 5.65 Km 2 and is inhabited by 25,326 residents (2018), 4.9% of the whole municipality. It consists of thirteen neighbors: Stare Miasto (Old Town), Grodzisko, Sienna Grobla, Knipawa, Dlugie Ogrody, Śródmieście, Dolne Miasto, Stare Przedmieście, Zaroślak, Wyspa Spichzów, Biskupia Górka and Nowe Ogrody ( Figure 6). The Śródmieście district is an area with aging demographic potential. (Figure 3) This is confirmed by the demographic structure of the population living in this district. From a total of 25,332 residents of the district in 2018, 33.6% (8453 inhabitants) were residents aged over 60, and this was the highest rate amongst other districts of Gdansk. In total, the average share of the population over 60 for Gdansk was 29.2% [80]. The historic Centre has suffered a sharp population decline in recent years. It has decreased by almost 10,000 inhabitants, a little more than a quarter of its population (26.2%) ( Figure 2). As regards the arrangement of tourism accommodation in Gdansk, there are significant spatial disparities ( Figure 6). There is a clear offer concentration in the center of the city: Of the total amount of hotels in Gdansk (56), 36 are located in the study area. From a total of 8214 beds in Gdansk hotels, about 38% (4798 beds) are in hotels in the study area. In addition, out of the remaining 349 accommodation establishments, 138 are in the study area. Beds located in other accommodation facilities number 1566, constituting 21.9% of the total number of beds [80].
TheŚródmieście district, the area of study, covers an area of 5.65 Km 2 and is inhabited by 25,326 residents (2018), 4.9% of the whole municipality. It consists of thirteen neighbors: Stare Miasto (Old Town), Grodzisko, Sienna Grobla, Knipawa, Długie Ogrody,Śródmieście, Dolne Miasto, Stare Przedmieście, Zaroślak, Wyspa Spichrzów, Biskupia Górka and Nowe Ogrody ( Figure 6). TheŚródmieście district is an area with aging demographic potential. (Figure 3) This is confirmed by the demographic structure of the population living in this district. From a total of 25,332 residents of the district in 2018, 33.6% (8453 inhabitants) were residents aged over 60, and this was the highest rate amongst other districts of Gdansk. In total, the average share of the population over 60 for Gdansk was 29.2% [80]. The historic Centre has suffered a sharp population decline in recent years. It has decreased by almost 10,000 inhabitants, a little more than a quarter of its population (26.2%) ( Figure 2). Málaga is a Spanish city that is located in the south of Spain (574,654 inhabitants in 2019), next to the Mediterranean Sea, and is included in the tourist area named Costa del Sol. It is a city with a consolidated tourist tradition. The study area in Málaga is mainly occupied by the old walled city from the Arab era which was delimited to the east by the  Málaga is a Spanish city that is located in the south of Spain (574,654 inhabitants in 2019), next to the Mediterranean Sea, and is included in the tourist area named Costa del Sol. It is a city with a consolidated tourist tradition. The study area in Málaga is mainly occupied by the old walled city from the Arab era which was delimited to the east by the River Guadalmedina and to the south by the Mediterranean Sea. Besides the walled city, other historic districts (Goleta, Ollerías, Plaza de la Merced Victoria and Lagunillas) and districts to the south (Soho and the Contemporary Art Centre, CAC) have also been affected by intense tourist activity ( Figure 4). In total, thirteen census sections have been selected, which make up a population that is not very large. In 2018, there were 13,874 inhabitants according to figures from the Register of Inhabitants, accounting for 2.4% of the total residents in the municipality of Málaga [81]. The extent of the study area is 2.03 km 2 , including the port (0.93 km 2 ); without including the latter, the urban space of the study is 1.1 km 2 ( Figure 5). The most significant demographic event has been the continuous fall in residents in the historic center, particularly as from 2013, coinciding with the irruption of tourist housing in the city, meaning that since 2005 the study area has lost 1559 inhabitants, accounting for 10.1% ( Figure 2).  A significant part of the city's tourist offer is concentrated in the study area, including 46 hotels and around 500 catering establishments (restaurants, bars and cafés), in addition to 1085 apartments, which accounts for 39.6% of the total offer in the city of Málaga in April 2019 [82]. The hotel supply was 11,843 beds and the main tourist nationalities are British (9.5%), German (4.9%), French (4.9%) and Italian (4.9%). The number of tourists staying in hotels was 1.4 million in 2019 [83], and there were 44,429,170 visitors [84]. Low seasonality is observed: during 2019, 29.4% of overnight stays are between June and August, and seasonality is lower among foreign visitors than domestic visitors. The overnight stays of foreigners almost double those of the Spanish. Figure 5 shows the strong concentration of tourism accommodation offer found in the study area. The supply of tourist accommodation has continued to grow at a fast pace subsequent to the reference given. The city of Málaga, especially its historic center, presents numerous problems related to over-tourism (tourist overcrowding, strong concentration of the tourist offer in the area, etc.), [12,85] in addition to processes related to gentrification (disappearance of traditional shops, increase in house prices, loss of cultural heritage, transformation into an almost exclusively tourist district) [86].
The two cities have undergone major growth in the number of tourists as well as in the accommodation offered, particularly tourist apartments (Table 1). In the case of A significant part of the city's tourist offer is concentrated in the study area, including 46 hotels and around 500 catering establishments (restaurants, bars and cafés), in addition to 1085 apartments, which accounts for 39.6% of the total offer in the city of Málaga in April 2019 [82]. The hotel supply was 11,843 beds and the main tourist nationalities are British (9.5%), German (4.9%), French (4.9%) and Italian (4.9%). The number of tourists staying in hotels was 1.4 million in 2019 [83], and there were 44,429,170 visitors [84]. Low seasonality is observed: during 2019, 29.4% of overnight stays are between June and August, and seasonality is lower among foreign visitors than domestic visitors. The overnight stays of foreigners almost double those of the Spanish. Figure 5 shows the strong concentration of tourism accommodation offer found in the study area. The supply of tourist accommodation has continued to grow at a fast pace subsequent to the reference given. The city of Málaga, especially its historic center, presents numerous problems related to over-tourism (tourist overcrowding, strong concentration of the tourist offer in the area, etc.), [12,85] in addition to processes related to gentrification (disappearance of traditional shops, increase in house prices, loss of cultural heritage, transformation into an almost exclusively tourist district) [86].
The two cities have undergone major growth in the number of tourists as well as in the accommodation offered, particularly tourist apartments (Table 1). In the case of Gdansk, the accommodation offered is more highly concentrated than that of Málaga, which extends throughout the historic center, whilst in the case of Gdansk it is concentrated in the districts ofŚródmieście, Stare Miasto and Długie Ogrody (Figures 5 and 6). The area of the historic center of Málaga is less than that of Gdansk, and the number of apartments is higher, which is why the impacts of tourism may be greater. The historic center of Gdansk has an older population structure with a lower level of education than that of Málaga. On the other hand, the two historic centers analyzed have lost population (Figure 2). Although the historic center of Málaga has lost slightly less population, its situation may be more critical owing to the lower population residing there. In both cities, the historic center has become a space that is slightly hostile for the traditional population when compared with the possibilities offered by peripheral districts and the metropolitan area (cheaper housing, equipment, public services, etc.). What is more, in recent years, this has been added to by the appearance of tourist housing and its impact on the traditional rental market, which has sped up the gentrification process. has been added to by the appearance of tourist housing and its impact on the traditional rental market, which has sped up the gentrification process.

Analysis Tools
The questionnaire was the main tool for collecting information for its statistical processing. Following on from the final wording of the survey, a pilot test was carried out which was applied to 35 residents in Gdansk and Málaga. The questionnaire was then administered to 378 respondents in Málaga and 380 in Gdansk. The resulting sample was based on the population in the study area of Málaga (13,874 inhabitants) and Gdansk (25,326) in 2018. The participants were selected at random with a 5% margin of error and a confidence level of 95%. A questionnaire was used which was administered directly in the street to the residents during the period between March and June 2018.
The questionnaire consisted of four parts: (i) Sociodemographic aspects: gender, age, marital status, place of birth, level of education and job relating to tourism or not ( Table 2). (ii) Tourism gentrification and tourism impacts scale. The proposed items are intended to measure the discomfort perceived by residents in the study area, in relation to aspects or processes connected with gentrification. The tourism gentrification scale is composed of items 7-12, and we use twelve items for the analysis, numbers 1-12 (Table 3) [87]. (iii) Tourism-phobia scale. A specific tourism-phobia scale was created in order to analyze the annoyance of the population in the study area. The scale comprises nine items (numbers 13-21) ( Table 3) [12]. (iv) Assessment by residents of aspects of local tourism management. The scale comprises three items (numbers 22-24) ( Table 3).
Most of the studies on gentrification and phobia-tourism are based on interviews, and secondary data and spatial distribution using maps and analyses based on surveys designed specifically for research are quite scarce. The tourism-phobia scale is based on studies that this research team recently carried out in Málaga by Almeida, Cortés and Balbuena (2019) [12] and the gentrification scale in tourist spaces, taking some references from Cocola [87], applied to Barcelona. The level of annoyance or irritation of the population was measured using a 5-point Likert scale for each item, where 1 equated to "not at all", 2 "a little", 3 "somewhat", 4 "yes a lot" and 5 indicated "yes, an awful lot".
The data were processed using the statistical software SPSS version 23. Different analyses were carried out: (i) A descriptive study of the sociodemographic data of the population ( Table 2) was conducted. (ii) A factorial exploratory analysis was carried out to determine the distribution of the items designed for the questionnaire and the possible factors that can be extracted ( Table 3). The factor analysis was performed with Varimax rotation and Kaiser normalization to the items from the joint database of Gdansk and Málaga. (iii) The scores of the items were analyzed on the Likert scale and by distribution groups in Table 4, Table 5, Table 6, Table 7. (iv) An ANOVA test and a post hoc (Scheffé) test were carried out in order to determine the groups of residents with different attitudes relating to tourism-phobia (Table 8). (v) The Chi-squared test was applied for the analysis of the tourism-phobia and tourism gentrification scale in relation to sociodemographic variables and urban space management (Tables 9-11).
Thematic maps of those aspects related to the annoyance of residents affected by tourism-phobia were drawn up. The districts of the historic centers of the cities of Málaga and Gdansk were analyzed. The maps were created using the QGIS program. For each district, the mean value of tourism-phobia was represented, along with the location of the tourist accommodation supply (Figures 5 and 6).

Descriptive Statistics of the Resident Profiles in the Study Areas
In this study, the sample is formed by residents in the centers of Málaga and Gdansk. With regard to the gender of the resident population, the female population predominates in Málaga and Gdansk. The age group with the largest number of residents was 46 to 65 years old in Málaga and over 66 years old in Gdansk. With regard to marital status, in Málaga and Gdansk, the group of married residents stands out. Most of the residents were born in the cities of Málaga and Gdansk. On the other hand, the residents who have been living in the centers of Málaga and Gdansk for more than 11 years stand out (61.1% and 76.1%) and were the majority of the sample.
One of the most significant aspects of the population surveyed is the predominance of the level of university studies in Málaga (52.6%), which is related to the work profile of the population residing in the area, mainly liberal professionals. In Gdansk, secondary education is predominant (50.1%). In both cities, most of the respondents have not had or do not have a tourism-related job.
In the descriptive profile of the sample, a higher level of participation of women than men was obtained. The average age is around the age group of 46-65 years old in Málaga, whilst the group of over 66 years prevails in Gdansk. The majority of these residents live with somebody (married or with their partner), were born in the city and have lived in the study area for more than 11 years. In Málaga, the majority are university-educated, whilst in Gdansk, the majority have a secondary education; in both cities, the residents' jobs are not linked to the tourist sector (Table 2). The results of the exploratory factor analysis of the 24 items set out in the questionnaire provide us with five main factors (  These results show that tourism-phobia is identified as differentiated factors, such as tourism gentrification and the tourist impacts perceived by residents. The processes related to gentrification and the problems that affect the quality of life of the residents are those that most concern the inhabitants of the historic centers analyzed. These impacts occur more intensely in Málaga than in Gdansk; in actual fact, the total average for Málaga is 4.03 points compared with 2.56 in Gdansk. In Málaga, it is worth noting the disappearance of traditional shops that supply the residents (4.4 points out of 5), and this matter concerns 87.1% of the residents of Málaga. These stores are being replaced by establishments focusing on tourists (bars, clothes and gifts franchise stores, souvenir shops, etc.). This process is a strongly gentrifying element as the disappearance of these services makes it Sustainability 2021, 13, 408 13 of 25 difficult to maintain the resident population which does not have essential services. This aspect more intensely impacts the elderly population who find it harder to stock up on food products outside the historic center. This problem can also be detected in Gdansk (2.80), but with less intensity. In Málaga, the residents are also concerned about the issue of dirtiness in the streets (4.42) (it greatly concerns 90.5% of residents), the increase in housing and rental prices (4.08) and the scarcity of parks and gardens (4.05). The problem that most concerns the residents of Gdansk is the increase in product prices in shops and supermarkets (2.81), with a similar score to the disappearance of traditional stores (2.80). It is this block that registers the highest score with regard to the items analyzed, and so aspects related to gentrification are a cause of great concern for the local community of the historic centers analyzed (Table 4).  Table 5 presents an analysis of the impacts caused by a series of activities that are carried out in public spaces and are annoying to residents in historic centers. These activities are carried out both by tourists and inhabitants of the city itself which coincide in the historic center. Both in the case of Málaga (4.10) and the case of Gdansk (2.54), what causes the most irritation is the activity carried out by the actual citizens of these two cities who go to the center to drink, eat or celebrate some event. This activity generates impacts that are combined with habitual tourist activity. The intensity of the impact is much greater in the case of Málaga than in Gdansk. Besides the noise and inappropriate behavior, the catering industry causes the occupation of the public space of the resident and expulsion of traditional resident-oriented establishments, which causes a monoculture of bars, restaurants and terraces. The percentage of people who are very irritated by these activities in Málaga (60.4%) is slightly less than that of those who are slightly irritated in Gdansk (71.1%), giving us an idea of the different perceptions of the impact related to the occupation of the space.  Table 6 presents an analysis of the items related to tourism-phobia and tourism-philia. The tourism-phobia attitudes of the residents of the centers analyzed are expressed through two dimensions, one that measures the irritation of the resident towards the behavior of tourists (items [13][14][15][16][17] and the other related to the problem of the presence of tourists and the loss of identity (items [15][16][17][18][19][20][21]. In both cases, the irritation of the local community is much more intense in Málaga than in Gdansk (3.75 and 1.75 in the case of Málaga and 2.54 and 1.53 in Gdansk). Tourism related to drinking causes irritation both in Málaga (4.35) and in Gdansk (2.70), as do the dirtiness and bad odors in the streets, which in many cases are related to the consumption of alcoholic beverages. In Málaga, 84.9% of the local community is very irritated by drinking tourism, demonstrating the scale of this problem. The presence of tourists in the streets and the loss of identity is not a great cause for concern, in actual fact, it could be said that there is a certain tourism-philia with regard to the presence of tourists in the streets and irritation regarding their behavior. It is worth pointing out that the presence of tourists in all places of the center irritates slightly more in Gdansk (2.34) than in Málaga (2.16), and this is the only score for which Gdansk exceeds Málaga. Table 6. Tourism-phobia (Factors 2 and 4).  It should be pointed out that the level of irritation reflected by factor 2 is very low, as the mean value is situated at 1.64, and so the main cause of irritation in both historic centers is not the presence of tourists or the conversion of the center into a tourist space. Residents do not seem to be concerned about the loss of identity. Hence, the main reasons for irritation generated by tourism in both historic centers are brought about by problems reflected in factor 4, which is related to impacts generated by tourism on the streets of the historic center such as bad odors and dirt, noise, the poor behavior of tourists and drinking tourism. There is tourism-philia towards the tourist and tourism-phobia towards the poor behavior of certain tourists and the irritating impact of some tourism-related activities. Table 7. Local management related to tourism (Factor 5). The residents of Málaga show greater irritation than those of Gdansk with local management by the City Council. The latter complain that their opinion does not count (3.93), and they believe that the regulations are not applied properly in the historic center (3.69), such that the expansion of tourist activities is promoted to the detriment of the residents, meaning that the center has become a space for tourists and not for residents (3.62). The same happens in Gdansk, but with a lower intensity (Table 7). These complaints about inappropriate management are related to the impacts analyzed previously in factors 1, 3 and 4.

Málaga Gdansk Málaga Gdansk
Based on the scores that each survey respondent has in the corresponding items of the tourism-phobia scale, the arithmetic mean aimed at evaluating the overall tourismphobia has been extracted. From the results obtained, we could point out that the residents whose average score is over 4 have a significant level of annoyance in relation to tourism, and we could classify them as tourism-phobic; the percentage of residents that could be identified as such is 36.8% in Málaga. In Málaga, the profile of this group is characterized by a predominant age of between 46 and 65 years, single, born in Málaga, universityeducated and residing in the center and areas in the old town. In Gdansk, the group with a significance level of annoyance is 15.0%, a much lower score than in Málaga. This tourism-phobic group has an average age of between 18 and 45 years old (Tables 6 and 8).
At the completely opposite end of the scale are the residents who are not very annoyed by the presence of tourists (values between 1 and 2). In Málaga, this tourism-philic group comprises 52.0% of the respondents, and the main difference in relation to the tourismphobic residents is that it is formed by an older population with a significant presence of residents over the age of 65 and widowers. In Gdansk, the tourism-philic group represents most of the residents in the Old Town (67.7%) and is made up of people over 45 years old, showing the greatest support from the elderly population (Tables 6 and 8).
The thematic map produced highlights that the sections or areas with the greatest problems detected are located in the central space (Calle Larios and environs), the most visited area and from where it is possible to access most of the tourism offer in the historic center. Secondly, there are the sections located further north of Calle Larios, areas that are home to a larger percentage of residents towards which a large part of the restaurants, nightlife and tourism accommodation has moved, due to the fact that property purchase and rental prices are substantially lower than those of the Calle Larios section. This zone is an area of conflict. On the other hand, the southern zone of the historic center, which includes Soho and the Barrio de las Artes (Soho), has a relatively low level of conflict, despite the fact it maintains a high percentage of the resident population. This area has been the location of an offer of accommodation and restaurants for people with greater purchasing power, which is generating little conflict. Furthermore, residents have a very clear perception that tourism and the Council have decisively contributed to improving the neighborhood ( Figure 5).
In recent years, the Długie Ogrody district has become a focus for major investments with hotel buildings and apartments for rent. This area is part ofŚródmieście and it is located on the eastern side of the Motława channel where the development of new hotels and apartment buildings for tourists is concentrated. The medium price per square meter for a flat in the Długie Ogrody District is the highest in the center of Gdansk and is about EUR 2700 per m 2 [88]. Along with the dynamic development of tourism, apartment buildings have appeared in this part of the Old Town, which quite often contrasts with the historic Gothic and Renaissance architecture of the Old Town of Gdansk. At the same time, the appearance of modern apartment buildings has caused a price bubble in terms of the cost of renting flats and apartments. Both of these factors are a direct effect of the increase in tourist traffic and undoubtedly have a significant impact on the growing reluctance of the inhabitants of this part of the Old Town to further develop tourism, causing the phenomenon of tourism-phobia amongst the inhabitants of the Długie Ogrody district. In other parts of the Old Town of Gdansk, the level of tourism is much lower. The lowest level of the phenomenon of tourism-phobia can be observed in the peripheral parts of the Old Town district (Zaroślak, Dolne Miasto, Grodzisko, Sienna Grobla), which is related to their distance from the area of the main concentration of tourist attractions, historic architecture and tourism development and consequently much less interest in these areas amongst visitors and tourists ( Figure 6).

Analysis of Variance: Sociodemographic Variables and Tourism-Phobia
After the descriptive analysis of resident profiles, variance analysis was carried out in order to find out the different behavior in relation to tourism and tourism-phobia amongst the two groups that display different attitudes: those who are very annoyed by activity and the others who are not annoyed at all by tourist activity ( Table 8). The main statistics provided by the analysis of variance according to sociodemographic aspects are as follows: (a) Age: Significant differences were found between age groups in Málaga, with the F value found to be F = 6.253, corresponding to a −p value of 0.000. The post hoc test (Scheffé) determined that all the age groups (from 18-35 years, −p = 0.011; from 36-45, −p = 0.028; and from 46-65 years, −p = 0.001) feel greater annoyance in comparison to those over the age of 66. (b) Marital status: There are significant differences between groups with regard to marital status (F = 3.908, corresponding to a −p value of 0.004). The post hoc test (Scheffé) determined that single people and those living with their partner (−p = 0.038 and −p = 0.010, respectively) feel a higher level of annoyance than widowers. (c) Level of education: A significant link was found between the level of education and tourism-phobia (F = 9.332, corresponding to a −p value of 0.000). The post hoc test (Scheffé) determined that those who have primary studies feel much less annoyed than those who are university-educated (−p = 0.000). (d) No significant differences were found with the other variables: gender, place of birth and length of residence.
In the case of Gdansk, the most significant variable is age. We observe a differentiated attitude towards tourism-phobia since the older population shows a very low irritation towards tourism. The rest of the socio-demographic variables are not significant.

Results of the Analysis of Gentrification and Tourism-Phobia Scale
In order to implement the objective of analyzing the level of irritation and the possible tourism-phobia of residents, the chi-squared test was applied to the gentrification and tourism-phobia scale in relation to the sociodemographic variables and urban space management in order to determine the interdependency between them (Tables 9-11).
The tourism gentrification analyzed comprises the items from 7 to 12. We can observe that gentrification is significantly associated with certain socio-demographic variables such as age, marital status, place of birth and level of education. As far as age is concerned, it can be observed that the population who perceives gentrification with less intensity is the group aged over 65 years old (30.2% of the sample, 2.77 gentrification points), widowed, born in another municipality near the study area and with a primary or secondary education level (49.5% of the sample). Those who most strongly perceive gentrification are the group aged 36-45 who are single or couples, university-educated (49.0%) and born in the city itself (56.4%). Furthermore, there is a significant difference between the two study areas with regard to the perception of gentrification, and it is far higher in Málaga (3.97) than in Gdansk (2.53). In addition, the relationship between gentrification and tourism-phobia was analyzed. Gentrification is associated with tourism-phobia "Presence of tourists", (Factor 2), "Behavior of tourists" (Factor 4), in addition to overall tourism-phobia (Table 9). The analysis results of the tourism-phobia scale in relation to the socio-demographic variables show that there are essentially four main significant factors: place of residence, age, level of education and marital status ( Table 10). The most explanatory sociodemographic variable is the place of residence within the study area. The question items on the tourism-phobia scale that are most closely related to the sociodemographic variables are as follows: the presence of tourists everywhere, cruise ship tourism and tourism in general. With regard to the significance of the place of residence variable, it is due to the fact that the spatial distribution of tourists in historic centers is uneven and tourists tend to concentrate in very specific areas, and so perceptions of them as something negative can vary significantly between the different areas of the cities. In the case of the city of Málaga, as shown in the maps (Figure 5), the section that shows the highest values in these categories is the Larios section, which corresponds to the most visited area in the city. It is also necessary to highlight the presence of high levels of tourism-phobia in areas of the center that are not very close to the Larios area, notably including La Goleta, one of the areas with the largest population, where the presence of tourists has not been very common and the tourism-phobic attitude may be mainly caused by the emergence of tourism accommodation in these areas and the generation of conflicts that affect coexistence and the daily life of its residents. In the case of Gdansk, we find the highest score in the Długie Ogrody District (Figure 6). On the other hand, other aspects relating to the perception of the impacts caused by the behavior of tourists such as dirt and smells, noise, bad behavior and binge drinking tourism show differences relating to age, marital status and level of education. It is possible to point out that the population aged between 46 and 65 is that which has the most negative perception of the dirt and bad smells generated by tourism and binge drinking tourism, whilst in terms of the level of education, university-educated and married residents have a more negative perception of the behavior of tourists and noise. Moreover, the chi-squared test was also carried out for the tourism-phobia scale in relation to the management variables included in the questionnaire (Table 11). In this case, it was about evaluating where the overall tourism of residents, quantified as the average of the different items, showed significant differences in relation to the assessment Sustainability 2021, 13, 408 20 of 25 of tourism management by the Council. The result shows that the three questions show significant differences and so residents with a greater degree of tourism-phobia view tourism management of the historic center as the main cause of their discontent and acknowledge that if tourism were regulated more appropriately, their attitude towards tourists could improve.

Conclusions
Firstly, the historic centers of Málaga and Gdansk-mirroring what has happened in many cities-have experienced significant tourism growth encouraged by the different actions aimed at promoting the cities as destinations for cultural tourism and due to the proliferation in recent years of an increasing offer of tourist accommodation. These transformations have caused a series of tensions between tourists and residents, which have been called tourism-phobia in line with what other authors have identified [25,40]. The results of the analysis carried out allow us to assert that there is tourism-phobia and that it is related to the impacts and management of tourism (Tables 6, 10 and 11), and so we can accept Hypothesis 1 (H.1).
These results show that irritation focuses on the inappropriate behavior of tourists and its consequences and not on tourists and their presence in the street. This aspect is borne out by the factor analysis itself, which has divided the tourism-phobia scale into two factors (Table 3), and the actual analysis of the scoring of the items (Table 6), in which it can be observed how the irritation caused by tourists is very low (Factor 2) compared with the behavior and impacts of the tourists (Factor 4) and the management of tourist activity (Factor 5, Table 7). In summary, the resident is irritated by the poor behavior of tourists and the management of tourist activity and not by the tourist per se.
Secondly, tourism-phobia is perceived by residents with different intensities, in line with the socio-demographic characteristics (Tables 8 and 10), the physical characteristics of the historic center and the distribution of tourism-phobia (Table 1, Figures 3 and 4) and the degree of development of the tourist destination, more intense in Málaga than in Gdansk (Tables 6 and 10). Thus, Hypothesis 2 can be accepted (H.2).
In relation to sociodemographic aspects, the presence of two groups of residents in the study areas with clear and opposing attitudes towards tourism can be seen: tourism-phobic and tourism-philic. These two groups differ according to age, marital status and level of education and indicate one of the social transformations that the historic centers have undergone. The tourism-philic group represents the traditional population who have lived in the area for a long period of their lives. They are an aging population, with little education, consisting of a high percentage of widows and widowers and pensioners, who despite the inconvenience caused by tourism, are more concerned about other effects such as gentrification (the disappearance of traditional shops and their old neighbors and the occupancy of public spaces, amongst other aspects). On the contrary, tourism-phobia is represented by middle-aged people who live with their partners and have received higher education; they are freelancers who have chosen to live in the city because they appreciate the cultural value of the historic center and have no professional relationship with tourism. The majority made this choice before the great tourism growth of the historic center; they thus have a very negative view of this social and economic change. This is the only population that has come to cover the disappearance of residents in this area, as the increased rental and property prices have, to a large extent, resulted in the residential emptying of this area.
The intensity of the impacts and the level of tourism-phobia in Málaga is closer to what happens in destinations with tourist intensity in Europe, such as Barcelona, Amsterdam and Berlin [60] or Venice [59]. Tourism-phobia is attributed to inappropriate management of tourist activity or, in other words, management that harms residents [40,59]; however, other authors draw attention to the diversity of the origins of the problems that affect residents in tourist spaces and that converge in tourism [89]. In the case of Málaga, some authors point out that over-tourism is the main element that affects the lives of residents and that there are numerous elements that fuel tourism pressure, mainly gentrification that empties the population of the area and public and private collaboration that transforms the urban space for an exclusive tourist activity [86].
The distribution of the perception of tourism-phobia is not homogeneous amongst the different areas, and the assessment by the residents is subject to the type of activity carried out by the visitors, their degree of concentration, the characteristics of the urban morphology and the presence of activities that generate a greater level of annoyance: binge drinking tourism, bad behavior by the tourists, dirt and noise. In general, there is not a rejection of tourists, but rather a rejection of some of their impacts, and residents do not view the presence of tourists or cruise passengers as something negative.
Thirdly, the perception that the residents have of the impacts generated by tourism gentrification is corroborated (Table 4). Said impacts are scored more highly than tourismphobia, from which we can deduce that this factor is much more annoying for the resident than tourism-phobia. Furthermore, we observed in the two cities that there is a significant relationship between gentrification and tourism-phobia, both with regard to the two dimensions of tourism-phobia (Factors 2 and 4) and in the tourism-phobia mean (Table 9), which is why we accept Hypothesis 3 (H.3). Despite the fact that tourism-phobia has drawn the attention of the media [25], the impacts related to the gentrification processes are identified by the residents as the most harmful effects of tourism on their quality of life.
In summary, the higher intensity of the impacts of tourism on the residents of Málaga can be explained by the following factors: (i) The higher concentration of Málaga's tourist offer in a small area than in Gdansk. (ii) The larger intensity of the tourist flow in Málaga. (iii) The low tourist seasonality of Málaga is explained due to climatic characteristics and strong diversification of the tourist offer, causing an intense presence of tourists throughout the year. Gdansk has a stronger seasonality, which allows having several months of the year in which the tourist does not bother the resident. Likely, the higher seasonality of Gdansk favors a better attitude of the resident towards the tourists [90].
This study should have been complemented by a qualitative analysis, through interviews with residents and tourist agents. This activity will be developed in the future and will allow new studies on the constructs analyzed. It seems necessary for the harmonious development of tourism in historic city centers to find the right balance between the interests of tourists and residents. It is thus desirable to search for such strategies for the development of tourism in historic centers of historic cities. All available tools for tourism planning and management should be deployed, in addition to involving the residents in the decision-making processes regarding the tourism development strategy, as residents call for in our research. This process should seek to find a balance between the interests of tourists and residents and to reduce the negative impact of tourism on the lives of residents. This aim requires consulting with local communities and involving them more widely than before in decision-making processes concerning activities aimed at shaping a diversified cultural offer, improving the quality of transport [91].

Data Availability Statement:
The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to future publications.