- freely available
Resources 2013, 2(2), 39-57; doi:10.3390/resources2020039
Published: 19 April 2013
Abstract: In the early nonindustrial private forest (family forest) research literature, size of forest holding was identified as a critical variable impacting the propensity of family forest owners to invest in and manage small forest properties. This literature discusses relationships between size of forest holding and variables like forest owners’ financial and asset positions, forest management objectives, use of a forest management plan and professional forestry advice, and use of forestry cost-share funding. Since then, the literature has expanded and now relates to the major problem of forest parcelization. We reviewed this literature for historical themes, technical considerations, and continuing ownership problems, emphasizing the current circumstances of forest parcelization and its historical roots in the size of forest holding problem. Many of the sociological, economic, financial, and technical relationships identified earlier as foundations of the size of forest holding problem are shown to be also fundamental to the parcelization problem in forestry. We suggest that today’s parcelization issues are partially a continuation of the size of forest holding problem and that earlier research may be relevant to parcelization problems. We provide a detailed literature review that relates parcelization to the size of forest holding problem.
There are about 11.3 million private forest owners in the United States; of those, 10.4 million are family forest owners . In the recent past, these ownerships were generally called nonindustrial private forests (NIPF). Large amounts of forest industry timberland shifted ownership to nonindustrial owners over the last few decades requiring a shift in definition to capture these family ownerships that tend to be smaller and individually owned.
The most recent family forest ownership study classified private forestland owners as industrial, other non-industrial, and family forest. Since most data comes from U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Forest Service surveys, the definitions of these terms are relevant: NIPF owners are defined as “family and individuals who own forestland and corporations and other private groups that own forestland, but do not own and operate a primary wood-processing facility”. This group is a subset of private forest owners, while family forest owners are defined as “families, individuals, trusts, estates, family partnerships, and other unincorporated groups of individuals that own forestland.” NIPF owners are a subset of private forest owners and family forest owners are a subset of NIPF owners .
Family forests have long been recognized as crucial to maintaining sustainable forests in the United States and crucial to the nation’s timber supply . Early forestry literature calls them small forests (as many of them are small in size; over 60% of family forests are less than 10 acres in size), farm forests (many of the early family forests were parts of farm operations), and eventually NIPFs. The forestry literature now mainly uses NIPF and family forest to identify these forests.
There are regional differences in family forests across the country. This is due to factors like federal forestland ownership patterns, varying silvicultural practices, and mill patterns. Family forests control over a third of the nation’s forested land and are important in all regions. These regional ownership patterns control many of the parameters that lead to owners practicing sustainable forest management. For example, in regions with many small family forests, it is more difficult to practice sustainable forestry with tracts containing just a few acres. Plus, the large number of family forest owners means there are a diversity of ownership and management objectives. Encouraging sound forest management has always been a challenge on these family forests. It is important to understand the motivations, limitations, and management objectives of family forest owners because they own a large portion of the nation’s forestland and account for much of the nation’s forest outputs .
2. Family Forest Ownership
The ownership of small forests has been a fundamental issue in American forest policy since the early twentieth century. The owners of NIPFs, as they were called at the time, were thought to be managing their forests less intensively than other ownership groups and, since they controlled much of the nation’s most productive timberland, timber supply problems were likely to result. The NIPF has always been recognized as a critical component of national timber supply; the result of the NIPF not producing its potential contribution of timber would be a severe “timber famine” .
For the first few decades of the twentieth century the forestry problem was the concentration of timberland ownership by a few timber barons. Often the practice of these timber barons was to “cut and run”. That is, they abandoned cut-over timberland and moved on to other tracts. Eventually this forestland moved into smaller private ownerships. Some of the earliest NIPF research studies concentrated on the growing stock on these smaller private ownerships and used a stocking index to compare management with other ownership classes [5,6,7]. While these indexes were arbitrary and did not take NIPF owner motivations and objectives into account, they led to an issue that still continues today: how to encourage better management of these small forests .
The forestry problem came down to a choice between federal regulation of private forestlands or some sort of federal-state cooperative effort to encourage improved forest management practices, especially in terms of reforestation and fire protection . The Capper Report in 1920 found “the kernel of the problem lies in the enormous areas of forestland which are not producing the timber crops that they should” and urged legislation “which will permit effective cooperation between the Federal Government and the several states in preventing forest fires and growing timber on cut-over lands” . In 1924, Congress settled the argument with the passage of the Clarke-McNary Act that authorized federal-state cooperation in forest fire protection, tree planting, and forest extension .
A second major USDA Forest Service report in 1933, the Copeland Report, continued to stress timber depletion and exploitation by the private forest owners, but suggested state-federal cooperation and public aid to private forest owners to encourage proper forest management . By mid-century, small forest owners were identified as “the heart of the problem” . Key concerns were the lack of technical knowledge by forest owners and the problem of small average tract size. The picture in 1948 was defined as “largely one of mismanagement, of exploitation on millions of small properties adding up to exploitation on a grand scale” .
Gradually the NIPF problem was more thoroughly researched and the complexity of the “problem”, if there was one, was realized. The conventional view changed from one of imminent timber supply problems to NIPF owner motivations, expected behavior, and economic expectations [13,14,15]. Some researchers even questioned if researchers were properly identifying NIPF owner objectives . Considerable research since then has confirmed NIPF owners do have patterns to their behavior and some variables, like income and the size of their forest holding, are determinants of behavior. Plus, other factors like individual motivations control behavior. All forest landowners are not alike and they have different objectives and views of their land [17,18].
3. The Classic NIPF Literature
Research on the small landholding or nonindustrial private forest (NIPF) began about 1940 with one of the earliest NIPF landowner studies that mention size of forest holding as a factor that influenced a forest owner’s forest management behavior . Other studies specifically listed size of forest holding as a variable impacting forest management , but most of the classical NIPF landowner studies measured the quality of forest management with devices like pine stocking index to determine if these important forestlands were being properly managed [6,21]. Great weight was placed on certain forest owner variables in these early studies, like farm ownership, occupation, and education. The studies were simple surveys and little effort was extended to determine which variables exerted the most influence or might be correlated [22,23,24,25].
Today parcelization is a major forestry problem that results from urban development and other pressures that decrease forest tract sizes. Those same pressures caused the concern over size of forest holding and decreases in average forest tract sizes. Size of forest holding was recognized as a factor limiting forest management options; depending on forest owner objectives, small tract size can limit the economic viability of some forest practices. Stoddard proposed that perhaps a “centralized operating organization” might be necessary to address “the difficulties of technical direction, marketing, and logging” inherent with small tract sizes. Parcelization as a concept is certainly what he described in 1942: “It should be pointed out that the larger concerns have followed the policy of selling off small parcels after an area has been logged. This practice has resulted in breaking up large forest units into tracts too small for efficient forest management. Many of the small-sized tracts are held for recreational purposes or used as farm woodlands. Nevertheless, the breaking up of larger tracts into many ownerships has tended to render numerous areas into units too small for economic forest operations, even though these units have not been and probably will be put into any other use” .
These early timber production studies noted that size of forest holding was a critical variable in terms of reforestation of cutover lands and quality of forest management (often measured with a pine stocking index) . Most owners of nonindustrial private forestland found their acreages were too small to adopt forest management practices . Their pine stocking index-based studies found this not to be the case. Similar studies in the same region found size of forest holding to be a key characteristic controlling timber production and that “larger nonindustrial holdings” were in an “appreciably more productive condition than the smaller ones” . While not all early family forest owner studies identified size of forest holding as a crucial variable influencing timber production, most did recognize it as a significant determinant of forest management intensity by this ownership group.
Gradually the focus of NIPF research moved from surveys of NIPF landowner characteristics to determining the relationship of these ownership characteristics to forest management practices and landowner behavior. Asset and financial position surfaced as a critical variable. Other variables that were obviously correlated with a forest owner’s financial position gained importance: forest owner age, length of land tenure, inheritance of land, and education level. Better asset and financial position equated to better capital availability and, thus, more opportunity to manage the forestland [26,27,28,29,30,31,32,33,34].
Tract size or size of forest holding was also a focus of European forestry research in the 1960s and 1970s. Restricted capital for investment was a limitation for forest management on many properties; returns from forest management did not justify the investment in the eyes of many NIPF owners or limited markets for forest products discouraged tree intensive forest management . By this time some NIPF researchers were questioning the marginal value of additional research on the subject . The NIPF problem remained part of the literature, but it moved beyond the landowner characteristics studies, and many authors questioned the definition of the problem [37,38,39,40,41]. By the late 1970s and 1980s the NIPF problem was even being called a myth [15,42,43,44,45].
Royer reviewed NIPF research studies and identified the dependent variables used to assess the landowner’s performance and noted that the earlier surveys appeared to have been somewhat misleading to policymakers . The dependent variables that were being measured were typically derived as those that were “publicly desirable rather than individually rational levels of performance” . Royer noted that many of the earlier studies in this category focused on psychogenic determinants of landowner behavior, like age, education, race, and occupation, and ignored sociogenic determinants (especially important ones like asset position). Later studies showed sociogenic variables were better predictors of forest owner behavior. Not surprisingly, asset or financial position (or a proxy for asset position, like size of forest holding) often was found to be an important determinant of landowner behavior [46,47,48,49,50]. Some of these psychogenic variables (like education) were correlated with financial position and may have been indirect determinants of forest owner behavior.
As the NIPF problem was being redefined, NIPF research was refocusing on actual management behavior of NIPF landowners. The importance of size of forest holding as a limiting factor in terms of economies of scale available to a forest owner in the establishment, management, and harvesting of timber became more apparent [49,51,52]. In addition, size of forest holding is known to be closely correlated with the forest owner’s asset position, impacting their availability of capital to invest in and manage forest land [46,53]. A classic study in Sweden , and other studies in the United States, focused on the effects of tract size [55,56,57,58,59,60,61]. The most recent NIPF studies and reports continue to examine this variable [1,8].
4. Current Family Forest Literature
The classic NIPF problems still exist today but they are sometimes defined differently. One thing that is certain is that there is a better understanding of their foundations. The family forest continues to be important and modern versions of the same problems constantly surface. Parcelization is a very good example of this. It is the decrease in average family forest tract size as owners gift or sell forest holdings. Multiple heirs might be a reason for parcelization. Urbanization is one of the main causes of parcelization and it is most pronounced at the urban-rural interface. Of course, the fundamental problem is that average tract size decreases and the economies of scale inherent in a larger tract are lost. Also, as forest owners change, oftentimes new owners have different management objectives [2,62,63,64,65,66,67]. Surprisingly, parcelization showed up in the classical literature as early as the early 1960s [68,69]. The use of the word “fragmentation” should not be confused with the more current issue of forest fragmentation which refers to the loss of forest cover and wildlife habitat as NIPF land is divided among more owners or converted to more developed uses . It is possible for parcelization to occur without forest fragmentation as long as the adjoined parcels retain their continuity without major disruption.
Forestry incentives developed as federal and state forest policies shifted to encourage forest management practices on family forests (especially reforestation and fire control). These incentives ranged from cost-share payments, technical assistance, technical advice, and favorable property and income tax policies. Most recipients of cost-share funding were timber-oriented family forest owners [71,72,73,74,75]. Cost-share recipients tend to be better educated and have higher incomes than the average family forest owner. Size of forest holding is one of the best predictors of cost-share use [76,77,78,79,80,81]. NIPF and family forest owners have been provided additional forest management assistance through education and technical assistance programs. Like other assistance programs, certain landowners tended to receive most of the aid. Forest owners with higher levels of education and income were most likely to receive this type of assistance, and size of forest holding, again, was highly correlated with use of technical assistance [82,83,84].
Size of forest holding and characteristics related to size of forest holding like occupation, education, and land tenure are positively related to landowner adoption of incentive-based forestry practices . One researcher suggested technical assistance would be more effective if it was leveraged through coordinated management of forest ownerships . One problem was that family forest owners were not generally aware of forestry incentive programs and participation rates were not high. A second serious problem was that many family forests were very small and lacked the basic economies of size necessary to implement some forestry practices [87,88,89,90,91]. From early on, forestry cooperatives were seen as a means to achieve economies of scale of small forest properties [92,93]. Various efforts were attempted at locations across the country and the concept still shows some popularity today with a few family forest owners. Usually its advantages lead to increased technical assistance, better information, and increased (combined) economies of scale [94,95,96,97,98,99,100]. Successful applications of forestry cooperative association techniques from other countries have been applied in the United States .
Current family forest research continues to stress size of forest holding as a key forest owner characteristic that influences forest management on family forests. Even the current family forest literature continues to show size of forest holding to be strongly correlated with many variables related to forest management, especially forest owners’ technical knowledge, educational levels, and attitudes towards timber harvesting. These values and attitudes may be linked to the better asset position of these forest owners [1,51,102,103].
Over time NIPF and family forest research has focused on timber production foregone due to lack of owner knowledge, insufficient capital, inefficient tract size, or a simple lack of interest [30,46,104,105,106]. Consistently, income, education, and ownership objectives were correlated with forest management intensity, harvest and reforestation activities, and the use of cost-share assistance [46,53,107,108,109,110]. While key variables influencing forest management activities by family forest owners are well-known, the relationship between these variables and the controlling variables is less well-defined [60,111,112,113]. Owner income, asset position, occupation, and education are all positively correlated with size of forest holding. On an operational basis, size of forest holding is an easy statistic to obtain. Does size of forest holding exert strong influence on private forest management practices, or is it merely correlated with other variables that exert that influence? Size of forest holding has been shown to be an excellent proxy variable for these other variables . For example, a professionally-prepared forest resource management plan is highly correlated with timber harvesting and reforestation activities, but also is positively correlated with size of forest holding [1,114].
There are over 75 years of NIPF or family forest research literature and there has been a consistent family forest problem. That problem is that family forests are a huge proportion of private forestland in the United States and, due to many factors, there are doubts they will produce the forest products that may be required by society. In terms of timber, if family forests did not produce their “proportionate share” of timber, there could be timber supply problems (less timber at any price). This would mean higher lumber prices and costlier homes for Americans, something Congress did not desire. Timber was definitely the early focus and later the problem extended to the multiple products of the forest. Over time the complexity of the family forest and even the “problem” was realized. That is, that the problem involved many resources, not just timber, and family forest owners had no obligation to produce the mix of forest products that society deemed optimal.
One fundamental relationship became apparent over time; family forests tended to be small and the trend over time was for them to become even smaller (parcelization). Size of forest holding quickly became one of the controlling variables. It apparently had much influence over a family forest owner’s ability and motivation to practice forestry. If size of forest holding was not a controlling variable, it clearly was correlated with variables that impacted forest management. The forest parcelization problem is based on the same foundation as size of forest holding as a family forest problem: small forest tracts, lack of economies of scale, disincentives to practice forestry, and general apathy by many family forest owners.
The National Woodland Owners Survey (NWOS) is the official survey of forest owners in the United States. It is created and maintained by the USDA Forest Service. The NWOS provides useful information in understanding who owns forestland, the size they own, insight into why they own forestland, and how they manage it, future intentions, owner demographics, and other questions concerning the current state and future state of their forestland . Butler summarized the characteristics of landowners and size of forest holdings in a publication based on the most recent NWOS . His summary of size of forest holding relationships includes the following key variables from the NIPF/family forest literature:
Land tenure: as the size of forest holding increases, the length of land tenure increases.
Land transfers: as the size of forest holding increases, transferred forestland increases (land ownership transfers more often).
Ownership objectives: vary by the size of forest holding.
Timber management objectives: as the size of forest holding increases, the probability that the owner has timber management objectives increases.
Leasing: as the size of forest holding increases, leasing by owners increases.
Cost-share programs: as the size of forest holding increases, participation in cost-share programs increases.
Management plan: as the size of forest holding increases, the percentage of owners with a management plan increases.
Management advice: as the size of forest holding increases, the likelihood of an owner seeking management advice increases.
Absentee ownership: as the size of forest holding increases, the percentage of absentee ownership increases.
It is important to stress that the NIPF problem or family forest problem, both of which are based on the technical problems resulting from decreasing average size of family forest holdings [47,48,49,50,51,52,53,54,55,56], are not the same problem as parcelization. There is an interrelationship as the same socioeconomic factors are driving both processes; both have foundations of owner attitudes towards forest management that are impacted by tract size and affect much more than timber supply, including the whole array of ecosystem services, like wildlife habitat and clean water . It is the combined impact of forest conversion and parcelization that are decreasing the number of forested acres, increasing the number of family forest owners, and impeding the ability to manage smaller and smaller forest holdings [116,117]. Size of forest holding represents a distribution of family forest owners by forest holding size  and that distribution has a tremendous impact on forest management due to the family forest owner attitudes and motivations towards important variables that control intensity of management, like ownership objectives, cost-share programs, management plans, and management advice .
Parcelization is the tendency for large forest holdings (parcels) with a single owner to divide into smaller forest holdings with multiple owners. This leads to problems of economic efficiency in forest management, disincentives for investment in forest practices, and greater management problems related to wildlife, water, recreational opportunities, soils, and ecosystem services. Parcelization has the potential to lead to fragmentation, where forest land is fragmented to widely dispersed blocks that limit ecological processes .
Parcelization is the trend for number of family forest owners to increase, while average size of forest holding decreases, due to death, urbanization, income, regulatory uncertainty, and financial assistance for family forest owners . This is a general trend from a few landowners with large forest holdings to many landowners with small forest holdings. Size of forest holding relationships provide the results of parcelization: increases in harvesting and transactions costs, more diverse forest owner objectives, and more diverse owner motivations and attitudes. The impact is on potential timber supply (the traditional concern), but also all ecosystem services, including wildlife habitat, water quality, aesthetics, and recreation [64,65,66,67]. Parcelization is a temporal process and size of forest holding a resulting relationship. That is our basis for suggesting that researchers make this connection.
It has two distinct dimensions: (1) an activity (the subdivision of a larger forest land parcel into two or more smaller parcels) and (2) an outcome (a landscape that has, with repeated subdivision of larger forested parcels, become parcelized. Parcelization is difficult to measure. Of course, most measures are temporal and center on how size of forest holding (parcel size) shifts over time. There are other types of metrics that have been used to measure this change and none have been shown to be perfect .
The NWOS does a good job of summarizing key family forest/size of forest holding relationships. The NIPF/family forest literature supports the survey results and from the prior discussion more relationships could be identified. Our point is that this valuable prior research can be applied to the related problem of parcelization today. Forest parcelization is an on-going process and will continue into the future; the process ensures that size of forest holding will remain a central concept in family forest management. It is the current term for the small tract problem and urbanization is keeping the problem visible. There is a rich body of NIPF and family forest research literature and tract size relationships are destined to continue to be a focus of this research.
Parcelization has been incorporated into the general forestry literature. Often authors mention a size of forest holding article when discussing the background of parcelization, but often they seem unaware of this connection. Sampson and DeCoster suggested the need for management strategies for small parcels and questioned what parcelization might do to conservation easement agreements . This is an early example of an excellent discussion of parcelization that touches on many aspects of the size of forest holding problem without ever mentioning the earlier version of the problem.
There are many parcelization articles from the turn of the century that introduce the current version of the parcelization problem [2,61,67,120,121,122,123,124,125]. The relationship of parcelization to population increases at the urban fringe or urban/rural interface are many, along with future implications [65,126,127,128,129,130] and how parcelized forest landscapes are characterized.
One study looked at landowner characteristics of urban immigrants in Washington state (or new small parcel owners) and analyzed the implication of variables like occupation, income (household and investment), management objective, and social responsibility . They also clearly define the differences between forest fragmentation and forest parcelization. Cleaves and Bennett discussed unit, parcel, and ownership elements of holding size . They defined parcels as separate units in the ownership unit and noted that smaller ownerships have a greater variety of harvesting and silvicultural problems. Their article was technically not on parcelization, but shows that size of forest holding was still considered a problem as the parcelization problem was developing.
Mehmood and Zhang’s 2001study is one of the best examples of the interaction of parcelization and size of forest holding . They looked at “causes of parcelization in the existing literature,” then, with minor exceptions, ignored the huge body of literature on the subject of size of forest holding. Parcelization causes the distribution of size of forest holding and the literature on size of forest holding would provide huge insights into the results of parcelization. Granted, size of forest holding is not a cause of parcelization, but a result of it. However, as size gets smaller, it probably reaches a point where small becomes smaller, as there are limits on what can be done with a small tract. Their definition of parcelization was large landholdings shifting to smaller landholdings and they expected the process to lead to timber supply problems. They almost restated the traditional NIPF problem in defining parcelization. They anticipated an increase in harvesting and transaction costs and a greater diversity of landowner objectives (making forest owners less likely to include timber harvesting and forest management in their objectives). Factors impacting parcelization were the same ones impacting size of forest holding: land tenure (as death rate increases, so does parcelization), taxes (increased taxes lead to increased parcelization, urbanization (increased urbanization leads to parcelization), income (as income increases so does parcelization), uncertainty (as environmental friendliness increases, so does uncertainty over ability to harvest timber and to perform other forest operations), and cost-share programs (forestry incentives make timber growing more profitable and parcelization less likely). All of these relationships could have been determined from a review of the family forest literature.
Other authors cover parcelization in the general context of the size of forest holding problem. Bliss described the two fundamental shifts leading to parcelization: changes in the structure and pattern of private forest ownerships and changes in the social values of the United States as it changes from rural to urban to suburban . He does define the traditional NIPF problem of poor forest management on family forests, leading to poor forest productivity, and the unpredictable behavior of family forest owners. Other researchers see the implications of parcelization as increased harvesting costs, increased prescribed burning costs, increased regulation, cost-share funding shifting to urban areas, and general forest operations limitations [66,135,136,137]. The general idea is that small parcel size increases production cost per unit in harvesting operations, plantations, and general forest management. This means timber supply is generally positively correlated with parcel or holding size.
Despite concerns about the adverse impacts of parcelization, there has been no standardized convention developed to tell when or if a landscape has become parcelized in the first place, or whether it has passed a threshold such that adverse impacts begin to occur. For example, one study was based on digitized historical parcel maps from plat books for three Michigan counties and calculated parcelization as the change in average parcel size between three time periods , while another study was based on quantified parcelization for one New York county using digital tax maps and six different area classes to track the total number and area of parcels between 1975 and 2000 .
Researchers have also constructed life histories of parcels using “parent and child relationships,” the former referring to pre-parcelization and the latter referring to post-parcelization parcels. Other researchers developed a parcelization typology to characterize different types of parcel split or aggregation events using digitized historic plat maps to track ownership changes in two townships in Indiana between 1928 and 1997 [140,141]. Although these studies provide detail on the sequence change in specific landscapes over time, and in some cases, important drivers of these changes, they fail to provide insight into when or where thresholds of parcelization concern may exist, or how to effectively measure the degree or severity of parcelization in a landscape at any given point in time.
Few authors have focused specifically on measuring the degree to which a private forest landscape is parcelized. One study estimated the distribution of private forests and ownership in Massachusetts in different size class categories for one year to develop a proxy measure for parcelization, noting that average parcel size, as a measure of parcelized landscape, has deficiencies because it can be greatly skewed when a landscape has a large number of small parcels . Other researchers used multiple metrics to examine the distribution of timberland holding size at the county level for 55 counties in Alabama. They found that several metrics must be used because the sole use of average parcel size cannot adequately capture information about the distribution of parcel ownership .
Other researchers stressed the importance of selecting metric, scale, and threshold when characterizing a parcelized forest landscape. They evaluated four metrics (average parcel size, Gini coefficient, Shannon Entropy index, and adjusted mean parcel size) for their usefulness in characterizing the extent to which a forested landscape has become parcelized. Applying these measures to 410 forested townships in a contiguous, six-county area of northern Minnesota, their analyses show that each metric typically describes a different pattern of parcelization due to each capturing different aspects of ownership patterns within a landscape. They demonstrate that choice of metric, landscape scale, spatial and physical ownership features, and threshold for determining when a landscape is parcelized can greatly influence conclusions regarding parcelization . Thus, researchers must give careful consideration to these factors when attempting to analyze a parcelized landscape and use caution when interpreting and comparing parcelization studies where one or more of these factors vary. Some studies focus on parcelization as a process and others as an outcome [118,119].
About 75 years of research literature has developed around the NIPF or family forest problem . It has centered on the quality and intensity of management practiced on family forest lands, the behavior and motivations of family forest owners, and the implications for timber supply and forest sustainability. Gradually the motivations of these forest owners were shown to follow normal patterns of self-interest. It is the nature of forest property to become parceled over time. Some acquire land and some holding sizes do increase, but those that subdivide vastly outnumber those that acquire. Larger forest holdings are divided into smaller ones as estates are apportioned or development takes place. Clearly, population increases are leading to urbanization and increased parcelization at the urban/rural interface.
Size of forest holding for family forest owners is important it represents a distribution of forest owners that is closely related to crucial forest management practices that will impact future timber supply and the vast array of ecosystem services provides by family forests. Land tenure and transfers are a key impact and one that “feeds” the process. Larger holdings tend to be more stable in terms of ownership. Forest owner management objectives vary by size of forest holding, with larger tracts more likely to receive intensive forest management and to have timber management objectives. Owners of larger holdings are more likely to use cost-share funding, have a management plan, and seek forest management advice . Parcelization is the process that is driving the change to the size of forest holding distribution. Authors discussing parcelization should realize that there are decades of forest economics research addressing that distribution and it should be part of their discussion of the process.
The issue of parcelization has been in the literature for about twenty years and has become a major issue in the last ten years. It has attracted research. Often, the related size of forest holding problem that is well-researched is not part of the foundation for current parcelization studies. We show the relationship between the size of forest holding and parcelization and alert forest economists to this historical body of knowledge.
The trends causing parcelization are not likely to be abated. Death of family forest owners is a certainty and each death creates a situation where ownership will change and often shift to multiple new owners. Urbanization is a constant threat to forestland and it too will occur with certainty. Rising income and regulatory uncertainty encourages parcelization. Cost-share assistance can make forest management more attractive and slow down the process . Researchers dealing with parcelization should recognize the role that resulting size of forest holding distribution plays in developing the consequences of the process. In discussing those consequences, the literature dealing with size of forest holding as an issue needs to be included as relevant background to complementary research topics.
As better metrics are developed to measure this shift in the size of forest holding pattern (parcel size pattern), better definitions will be needed to identify the land units involved. It is a complex problem, as parcelization is related to fragmentation. Fragmentation leads to a second set of ecological problems beyond the original ones caused by parcelization. Both processes are well-established in the literature and have been following predictable patterns. Thus, action now can help avoid the certain consequences that are developing around us.
- Butler, B.J. Family Forest Owners of the United States, 2006; General Technical Report NRS-27. U.S. Forest Service, Northern Research Station: Newtown Square, PA, USA, 2008.
- Best, C. America’s private forests: Challenges for conservation. J. For. 2002, 100, 14–17. [Google Scholar]
- Majumdar, I.; Laband, D.; Teeter, L.; Butler, B. Motivations and land-use intentions of nonindustrial private forest landowners: Comparing inheritors to noninheritors. For. Sci. 2009, 55, 423–432. [Google Scholar]
- Baker, F.S. The timber problem in conservation. J. For. 1933, 31, 167–176. [Google Scholar]
- Folweiler, A.D. Forest Land Ownership in Louisiana and Its Influence on Timber Production; Station Bulletin Number 377. Louisiana Agricultural Experiment Station: Baton Rouge, LA, USA, 1944.
- Folweiler, A.D.; Vaux, H.J. Private forest landownership and management in the loblolly shortleaf pine type in Louisiana. J. For. 1944, 42, 783–790. [Google Scholar]
- James, L.M.; Hoffman, W.P.; Payne, M.A. Private Forest Landownership and Management in Central Mississippi; Technical Bulletin 33. Mississippi Agricultural Experiment Station: State College, MS, USA, 1951.
- Straka, T.J. Recognition of wildlife amenity values in defining the small forest ownership problem in the United States—A literature review. Wildl. Biol. Pract. 2011, 7, 1–22. [Google Scholar]
- Dana, S.T.; Fairfax, S.K. Forest and Range Policy: Its Development in the United States, 2nd ed.; McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.: New York, NY, USA, 1980. [Google Scholar]
- U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Forest Service. Timber Depletion, Lumber Prices, and the Concentration of Timber Ownership, Report on Senate Resolution 311; Capper Report. U.S. Government Printing Office: Washington, DC, USA, 1920.
- Cubbage, F.W.; O’Laughlin, J.; Bullock, C.S. Forest Resource Policy; John Wiley & Sons, Inc.: New York, NY, USA, 1993. [Google Scholar]
- U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Forest Service. Forests and National Prosperity: A Reappraisal of the Forest Situation in the United States; Miscellaneous Publication No. 668. U.S. Government Printing Office: Washington, DC, USA, 1948.
- Le Master, D.C. Timber supply, nonindustrial private forest land, and the conventional view. J. For. 1978, 76, 365–367. [Google Scholar]
- Clawson, M. Will there be enough timber? J. For. 1978, 76, 274–276. [Google Scholar]
- Clawson, M. The Economics of U.S. Nonindustrial Private Forests; Research Paper R-14. Resources for the Future: Washington, DC, USA, 1979.
- Royer, J. Conclusions from a Review of 50 Years of Small Woodland Owner Studies. In Proceedings of Southern Forest Economics Workshop, Chapel Hill, NC, USA, 21–22 March 1979; Southern Forest Economics Workers (SOFEW), Department of Forestry, Mississippi State University: Mississippi State, MS, USA, 1980. [Google Scholar]
- Schaaf, K.A.; Broussard, S.R. Private forest policy tools: A national survey exploring the American public’s perceptions and support. For. Policy Econ. 2006, 9, 316–334. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Davis, M.L.E.S.; Fly, J.M. Do you hear what I hear: Better understanding how forest management is conceptualized and practiced by private forest landowners? J. For. 2010, 108, 321–328. [Google Scholar]
- Stoddard, C.H., Jr. Future of private forest land ownership in the Northern Lake States. J. Land Public Util. Econ. 1942, 18, 267–283. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Barraclough, S.; Rettie, J.C. The Ownership of Small Private Forest-Land Holdings in 23 New England Towns; Station Paper No. 34. USDA Forest Service, Northeastern Forest Experiment Station: Upper Darby, PA, USA, 1950.
- Webster, H.H.; Stoltenberg, C.H. What ownership characteristics are useful in predicting response to forestry programs? Land Econ. 1959, 35, 292–295. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Chamberlin, H.H.; Sample, L.A.; Hayes, R.W. Private Forest Land Ownership and Management in the Loblolly-Shortleaf Type in Southern Arkansas, Northern Louisiana, and Central Mississippi; Louisiana Bulletin No. 393. Louisiana Agricultural Experiment Station: Baton Rouge, LA, USA, 1945.
- Poli, A.; Griffith, D.T. Forest Land Ownership in Northern Mendocino County, California; Forest Survey Release 5. USDA Forest Service, California Forest and Range Experiment Station: Berkeley, CA, USA, 1948.
- Southern, J.H.; Miller, R.L. Ownership of Land in the Commercial Timber Area of Southeast, Texas, 1955; Progress Report 1853. Texas Agricultural Experiment Station: College Station, TX, USA, 1956.
- Somberg, S.I. Characteristics of Private Nonindustrial Forest Landowners in Alabama; Circular 185. Auburn University Agricultural Experiment Station: Auburn, AL, USA, 1971.
- Perry, J.D.; Guttenberg, S. Southwest Arkansas’ Small Woodland Owners; Occasional Paper 170. USDA Forest Service, Southern Forest Experiment Station: New Orleans, LA, USA, 1959.
- Cole, A.B.; Smith, R.C. The Forest Resources of Rural Householders in Dent. County, Missouri; Research Bulletin 740. Missouri Agricultural Experiment Station: Columbia, MO, USA, 1960.
- Worley, D.P. The Small Woodland Owner in Eastern Kentucky: His Attitudes and Environment; Technical Paper 175. USDA Forest Service, Central States Forest Experiment Station: Columbus, OH, USA, 1960.
- Hutchison, O.K.; McCauley, O.D. The Small Woodland Owner in Ohio; Technical Paper 183. USDA Forest Service, Central States Forest Experiment Station: Columbus, OH, USA, 1961.
- McMahon, R.O. Private Nonindustrial Ownership of Forest Land; Bulletin No. 68. Yale University School of Forestry: New Haven, CT, USA, 1964. [Google Scholar]
- Fontenot, R.W.; Marlin, C.B. Characteristics of Owners of Small Timber Tracts in Southwest Louisiana; LSU Forestry Note No. 106. Louisiana Agricultural Experiment Station: Baton Rouge, LA, USA, 1974.
- Kingsley, N.P. The Forest-Land Owners of Southern New England; Resource Bulletin NE-41. USDA Forest Service, Northeastern Forest Experiment Station: Upper Darby, PA, USA, 1976.
- Birch, T.W.; Butler, B.J. Private Forest-Land Ownerships of New York: 1980 and 1994; Resource Bulletin NE-153. USDA Forest Service, Northeastern Research Station: Newtown Square, PA, USA, 2001.
- Leatherberry, E.C. Wisconsin’s Private Timberland Owners: 1997; Research Paper NC-339. USDA Forest Service, North Central Forest Experiment Station: St. Paul, MN, USA, 2001.
- Zivnuska, J.A. Private Forestry in Norway—A Case Study in Small Woodland Management and Policy; Society of American Foresters: Washington, DC, USA, 1959. [Google Scholar]
- Keniston, R.F. The forest owner—A person. J. For. 1962, 60, 249–254. [Google Scholar]
- Preston, J.F. Is farm forestry on the wrong trail? Am. For. 1956, 62, 8–11, 50–52. [Google Scholar]
- Quinney, D.N. The “farm woodlot” revisited. J. For. 1961, 59, 601–602. [Google Scholar]
- Plair, T.B. Opportunities in small woodlands. For. Farmer 1962, 21, 8–9, 15–17, 19. [Google Scholar]
- Yoho, J.G. Small woodland owners. What is the problem? In 1962 Pulpwood Annual; American Pulpwood Association: Washington, DC, USA, 1962; pp. 89–91. [Google Scholar]
- Stoltenberg, C.H.; Gottsacker, J.H. Forest owner attitudes toward forestry. Iowa State J. Sci. 1967, 42, 83–87. [Google Scholar]
- Glasscock, H.R., Jr. Greater outputs from NIPFs: What programs are cost-effective? J. For. 1978, 76, 268, 299, 310–312. [Google Scholar]
- Gould, E.M., Jr. Wanted: High-satisfaction forestry. J. For. 1978, 76, 715–718. [Google Scholar]
- Sedjo, R.A.; Ostermeier, D.M. Policy Alternatives for Nonindustrial Private Forests; Society of American Foresters: Washington, DC, USA, 1978.
- Kaiser, F.; Birch, T.; Lewis, D. New findings on private forest landowners. Am. For. 1982, 88, 28–30, 44. [Google Scholar]
- Duerr, W.A. The small, low-income landholding: A problem in forest conservation. Iowa State Coll. J. Sci. 1948, 22, 349–361. [Google Scholar]
- Clawson, M. Economic size of forestry operations. J. For. 1957, 55, 521–526. [Google Scholar]
- Row, C. Economies of tract size in timber growing. J. For. 1978, 76, 576–579. [Google Scholar]
- Cubbage, F.W. Economics of Forest Tract Size: Theory and Literature; General Technical Report SO-41. USDA Forest Service, Southern Forest Experiment Station: New Orleans, LA, USA, 1983.
- Straka, T.J.; Wisdom, H.W.; Moak, J.E. Size of forest holding and investment behavior of nonindustrial private owners. J. For. 1984, 82, 495–496. [Google Scholar]
- Cubbage, F.W. Economies of Forest Tract Size in Southern Pine Harvesting; Research Paper SO-184. USDA Forest Service, Southern Forest Experiment Station: New Orleans, LA, USA, 1982.
- Karppinen, H. Forest owners’ choice of reforestation method: An application of the theory of planned behavior. For. Pol. Econ. 2005, 7, 393–409. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Straka, T.J.; Wisdom, H.W. Fundamental Relationships Affecting Nonindustrial Private Forest Timber Output. In Proceedings of Southern Forest Economics Workshop, Charleston, SC, USA, 1–2 April 1982; Southern Forest Economics Workers (SOFEW), Department of Forestry, Mississippi State University: Mississippi State, MS, USA, 1983; pp. 44–57. [Google Scholar]
- Streyffert, T. Influence of Ownership and Size Structure on Forest Management in Sweden: A Study of Fundamentals; Bulletin No. 23b. Royal School of Forestry: Stockholm, Sweden, 1957. [Google Scholar]
- Knight, H.A. Size of Timber Stands in the Piedmont of South Carolina; Research Note SE-267. USDA Forest Service, Southeastern Forest Experiment Station: Asheville, NC, USA, 1978.
- Gunter, J.E. “Intermediate technology” key to small woodlands productivity. For. Ind. 1979, 106, 64–66, 70. [Google Scholar]
- Thompson, R.P.; Jones, J.G. Classifying nonindustrial private forestland by tract size. J. For. 1981, 79, 288–291. [Google Scholar]
- Fecso, R.S.; Kaiser, H.F.; Royer, J.P.; Weidenhamer, M. Management Practices and Reforestation Decisions for Harvested Southern Pinelands; SRS Staff Report Number AGES821230. USDA Statistical Reporting Service: Washington, DC, USA, 1982.
- Wiersum, K.F.; Elands, B.H.; Marjanke, A.H. Small-scale forest ownership across Europe: Characteristics and future potential. Small Scale For. 2005, 4, 1–19. [Google Scholar]
- Bliss, J.C.; Kelly, E.C. Comparative advantage of small-scale forestry among emerging forest tenures. Small Scale For. 2008, 7, 95–104. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Zhang, Y.; Liao, X.; Butler, B.J.; Schelhas, J. The increasing importance of small-scale forestry: Evidence from family forest ownership patterns in the United States. Small Scale For. 2009, 8, 1–14. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- DeCoster, L.A. The boom in forest owners—A bust for forestry? J. For. 1998, 96, 25–28. [Google Scholar]
- Sampson, R.N.; DeCoster, L.A. Public Programs for Private Forestry: A Reader on Programs and Options; American Forests Forest Policy Center: Washington, DC, USA, 1997.
- Mundell, J.; Taff, S.J.; Kilgore, M.; Snyder, S. Assessing Trends in Forest Parcelization and Development in Minnesota: An Itasca County Case Study, University of Minnesota, Department of Forest Resources, St. Paul, MN, USA, 2007.
- Germain, R.H.; Anderson, N.; Berilacqua, E. The effects of forestland parcelization and ownership transfers on nonindustrial private forestland forest stocking in New York. J. For. 2007, 105, 403–408. [Google Scholar]
- Moldenhauer, M.C.; Bolding, M.C. Parcelization of South Carolina’s private forestland: Loggers reactions to a growing threat. For. Prod. J. 2009, 59, 37–43. [Google Scholar]
- Haines, A.L.; Kennedy, T.T.; McFarlane, D.L. Parcelization: Forest change agent in Northern Wisconsin. J. For. 2011, 109, 101–108. [Google Scholar]
- Schallau, C.H. Small Forest Ownership in the Urban. Fringe Area of Michigan; Station Paper No. 103. USDA Forest Service, Lake States Forest Experiment Station: St. Paul, MN, USA, 1962.
- Schallau, C.H. Fragmentation, Absentee Ownership, and Transfer of Forest Land in Northern Lower Michigan; Research Paper LS-17. USDA Forest Service, Lake States Forest Experiment Station: St. Paul, MN, USA, 1965.
- Vince, S.W.; Duryea, M.L.; Macie, E.A.; Hermansen, L.A. Forests at the Wildland-Urban Interface: Conservation and Management; CRC Press: Boca Raton, FL, USA, 2005. [Google Scholar]
- Kluender, R.A.; Walkingstick, T.L. Rethinking how nonindustrial landowners view their lands. South. J. Appl. For. 2000, 24, 150–158. [Google Scholar]
- Megalos, M.A. North. Carolina Landowner Responsiveness to Forestry Incentives. Ph.D. Thesis, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, USA, 15 December 1999. [Google Scholar]
- Stein, S. Recent USDA Forest Service Experiences with Forestry Incentives: What Have We Achieved? In Proceedings of Global Initiatives and Policies: First International Conference on Private Forestry in the 21st Century, Atlanta, GA, USA, 25–27 March 2001; Teeter, L., Ed.; Auburn University Forest Policy Center: Auburn, AL, USA, 2001; pp. 112–124. [Google Scholar]
- Greene, J.L.; Straka, T.J.; Dee, R.L. Nonindustrial private forest owner use of federal income tax provisions. For. Prod. J. 2004, 54, 59–66. [Google Scholar]
- Daniels, S.E.; Kilgore, M.A.; Jacobson, M.G.; Greene, J.L.; Straka, T.J. Examining the compatibility between forestry incentive programs in the US and the practice of sustainable forest management. Forests 2010, 1, 49–64. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Royer, J. Determinants of reforestation behavior among Southern landowners. For. Sci. 1987, 33, 654–667. [Google Scholar]
- Bliss, J.C.; Martin, A.J. Identifying NIPF management motivations with qualitative methods. For. Sci. 1989, 35, 601–622. [Google Scholar]
- Hyberg, B.T.; Holthausen, D.M. The behavior of nonindustrial forest landowners. Can. J. For. Res. 1989, 19, 1014–1023. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Lorenzo, A.B.; Beard, P. Factors Affecting the Decisions of NIPF Owners to Use Assistance Programs. In Proceedings of the Symposium on Non-Industrial Private Forests: Learning from the PastProspects for the Future, Washington, DC, USA, 18–20 February 1996; Baughman, M.J., Ed.; University of Minnesota Extension Services Special Programs: St. Paul, MN, USA, 1996; pp. 264–275. [Google Scholar]
- Amacher, G.; Conway, C.; Sullivan, J.; Hensyl, C. Effects of Shifting Populations and Preferences on the Behavior of Nonindustrial Landowners and Forest Industry: Empirical Evidence from Virginia; SOFAC Report No. 12. Southern Forest Resource Assessment Consortium: Raleigh, NC, USA, 1998.
- Arano, K.G.; Munn, I.A. Evaluating forest management intensity: A comparison among major forest landowner types. For. Pol. Econ. 2006, 9, 237–248. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Bliss, J.C.; Nepal, S.K.; Brooks, R.T., Jr.; Larsen, M.D. In the mainstream: Environmental attitudes of mid-south forest owners. South. J. Appl. For. 1997, 21, 37–43. [Google Scholar]
- Gunter, J.E.; Bullard, S.H.; Doolittle, M.L.; Aranao, K.G. Reforestation of Harvested Timberlands in Mississippi: Behavior and Attitudes of Nonindustrial Private Forest Landowners, Bulletin FO172. Mississippi State University Forestry and Wildlife Research Center, Mississippi State, MS, USA, 2001.
- Kilgore, M.A.; Blinn, C.R. Policy tools to encourage the application of sustainable timber harvesting practices in the United States and Canada. For. Pol. Econ. 2004, 6, 111–127. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Muench, J. Private Forests and Public Programs in North. Carolina; North Carolina Forestry Association: Raleigh, NC, USA, 1965.
- Cloud, M.C. Promoting forest management with owners of medium-sized parcels of land. J. For. 1966, 64, 536–537. [Google Scholar]
- Guttenberg, S. The rate of interest in forest management. J. For. 1950, 48, 3–7. [Google Scholar]
- Redman, J.C. Economic aspects of the farm woodland enterprise. J. Farm. Econ. 1956, 38, 901–910. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Bethune, J.E.; LeGrande, W.P. Profitable small-forest management—A case history. For. Farmer 1960, 13, 12, 13, 38. [Google Scholar]
- Coutu, A.J. Is forestry financially practical for the small timberland owner? For. Farmer 1960, 20, 8–10, 32–33, 35. [Google Scholar]
- Herrick, A.M. Investment aspects of building a forest from bare land. For. Farmer 1960, 20, 14–15, 28–30. [Google Scholar]
- Aaltonan, A.; Herr, C.S.; Barraclough, K.E. The cooperative marketing of forest products. J. For. 1938, 36, 203–215. [Google Scholar]
- Cope, J.A. Farm woodland owners’ cooperatives. J. For. 1943, 41, 169–173. [Google Scholar]
- Josephson, H.R. Cooperatives—An appraisal of their place in Forestry. For. Farmer 1963, 22, 6–8. [Google Scholar]
- Stoddard, C.H. The need for associations of forest landowners in the United States. J. For. 1964, 62, 163–166. [Google Scholar]
- Dempsey, G.P. Forest Cooperatives—A Bibliography; Research Paper NE-82. USDA Forest Service, Northeastern Forest Experiment Station: Broomall, PA, USA, 1967.
- Simon, D.M.; Scoville, O.J. Forestry Cooperatives: Organization and Performance; ACS Research Report No. 25. USDA Agricultural Cooperative Service: Washington, DC, USA, 1982.
- Rosen, B.N.; Kaiser, H.F.; Baldeck, M. Nonindustrial private forest landowners as timber marketers: A field study of search for market information and decision quality. For. Sci. 1989, 35, 732–744. [Google Scholar]
- Sturgess, E.; Zeuli, K.; Rickenbach, M. A Brief. Reflection on Forestry Cooperatives in the US, Bulletin No. 7. University of Wisconsin Center for Cooperatives, Madison, WI, USA, 2004.
- Hull, R.B.; Ashton, S. Forest cooperatives revisited. J. For. 2008, 106, 100–105. [Google Scholar]
- Kittredge, D.B. The cooperation of private forest owners on scales larger than one individual property: International examples and application in the United States. For. Pol. Econ. 2005, 7, 671–688. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Duerr, W.A. Timber supply: Goals, prospects, problem. Am. J. Agric. Econ. 1974, 56, 927–935. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Kuuluvainen, J.; Karppinen, H.; Ovaskainen, V. Landowner objectives and nonindustrial private timber supply. For Sci. 1996, 42, 300–309. [Google Scholar]
- James, L.M. Determining forest landownership and its relation to timber management. J. For. 1950, 48, 257–260. [Google Scholar]
- Lord, W.B. A reconsideration of the farm forestry problem. J. For. 1963, 61, 262–264. [Google Scholar]
- Birch, T.W. Private Forest-Land Owners of the Northern United States,1994; Resource Bulletin 136. USDA Forest Service, Northeastern Forest Experiment Station: Radnor, PA, USA, 1996.
- Hodgdon, B.; Tyrrell, M. Literature Review: An Annotated Bibliography on Family Forest Owners; GISF Research Paper 002. Yale University School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, Global Institute of Sustainable Forestry: New Haven, CT, USA, 2003.
- Wicker, G. Motivation for private forest landowners. Southern Forest Resource Assessment; Technical Report GTR-SRS-53. Wear, D.N., Greis, J.G., Eds.; USDA Forest Service, Southern Research Station: Asheville, NC, USA, 2002 Chapter 9.; pp. 225–237. [Google Scholar]
- Belin, D.L.; Kittredge, D.B.; Stevens, T.H.; Dennis, D.C.; Schweik, C.M.; Morzuch, B.J. Assessing private forest owner attitudes toward ecosystem-based management. J. For. 2005, 103, 28–35. [Google Scholar]
- Butler, B.J.; Zhao, M. Family forest owner trends in the Northern United States. North. J. Appl. For. 2011, 28, 13–18. [Google Scholar]
- Streyffert, T. Management of small woodlots in Sweden. Am. For. 1961, 67, 16–19, 52, 54, 57–58. [Google Scholar]
- Turner, B.J.; Finley, J.C.; Kingsley, N.P. How reliable are woodland owners’ intentions? J. For. 1977, 75, 498–499. [Google Scholar]
- Kingsley, N.P. How important is timber production to small owners? For. Farmer 1979, 38, 8–15. [Google Scholar]
- Williams, R.A.; Voth, D.E.; Hitt, C. Arkansas’ NIPF Landowners’ Opinions and Attitudes Regarding Management and Use of Forested Property. In Proceedings of the Symposium on Non-Industrial Private Forests: Learning from the PastProspects for the Future, Washington, DC, USA, 18–20 February 1996; Baughman, M.J., Ed.; University of Minnesota Extension Services Special Programs: St. Paul, MN, USA, 1996; pp. 230–237. [Google Scholar]
- Butler, B.J.; Leatherberry, E.C. America’s family forest owners. J. For. 2004, 102, 4–9. [Google Scholar]
- Stein, J.M.; McRoberts, R.E.; Alig, R.J.; Nelson, M.D.; Theobald, D.M.; Eley, M.; Dechter, M.; Carr, M. Forests on the Edge: Housing Development on America’s Private Forests; General Technical Report PNW-GTR-636. USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station: Portland, OR, USA, 2005.
- D’Amato, A.W.; Catanzaro, P.F.; Damery, D.T.; Kittredge, D.B.; Ferrare, K.A. Are family forest owners facing a future in which forest management is not enough? J. For. 2010, 108, 32–38. [Google Scholar]
- Mundell, J.; Taff, S.J.; Kilgore, M.A.; Snyder, S.A. Using real estate records to assess forest land parcelization and development: A Minnesota case study. Landsc. Urban Plan 2010, 94, 71–76. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Kilgore, M.A.; Snyder, S.A.; Block-Torgerson, K.; Taff, S.J. Challenges in characterizing a parcelized forest landscape: Why metric, scale, and threshold matter. Landsc. Urban Plan 2013, 110, 36–47. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Harris, T.; DeForest, C. Policy Implications of Timberland Loss, Fragmentation, and Urbanization in Georgia and the Southeast. In Proceedings of 1984 Southern Forest Economics Workshop, Memphis, TN, USA, 13–15 March 1984; Southern Forest Economics Workers (SOFEW), Department of Forestry, Mississippi State University: Mississippi State, MS, USA, 1984; pp. 70–83. [Google Scholar]
- Shands, W.E. Problems and prospects at the urban-forest interface. J. For. 1991, 89, 23–26. [Google Scholar]
- Wear, D.N.; Liu, R.; Foreman, J.M.; Sheffield, R.M. The effects of population growth on timber management and inventories in Virginia. For. Ecol. Manag. 1999, 118, 107–115. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Harrison, S.; Herbohn, J.; Niskanen, A. Non-industrial, smallholder, small-scale and family forestry: What in a name? Small Scale For. 2002, 1, 1–14. [Google Scholar]
- Rickenbach, M.G.; Gobster, P.H. Stakeholders’ perceptions of parcelization in Wisconsin’s Northwoods. J. For. 2003, 101, 18–23. [Google Scholar]
- Robinson, D.T. Land-cover fragmentation and configuration of ownership parcels in an exurban Landscape. Urban. Ecosyst. 2012, 15, 53–69. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Vaux, H.J. Forestry’s hotseat: The urban/forest interface. Am. For. 1982, 88, 36–46. [Google Scholar]
- Bradley, G.A. Land Use and Forest Resources in the Changing Environment: The Urban/Forest Interface; University of Washington Press: Seattle, WA, USA, 1984. [Google Scholar]
- Macie, E.A.; Hermansen, L.A. Human Influences on Forest Ecosystems: The Southern Wildland.-Urban. Interface Assessment; General Technical Report SRS-55. USDA Forest Service, Southern Research Station: Asheville, NC, USA, 2002.
- Kline, J.D.; Azuma, D.L.; Alig, R.J. Population growth, urban expansion, and private forestry in Western Oregon. For. Sci. 2004, 50, 33–43. [Google Scholar]
- Nowak, D.J.; Walton, J.T. Projected urban growth (2000–2050) and its estimated impact on the US forest resource. J. For. 2005, 103, 383–389. [Google Scholar]
- Creighton, J.H.; Blatner, K.A.; Baumgartner, D.M. The Future of Washington State Family-Owned Forests in an Increasingly Fragmented Landscape. In Proceedings of Human Dimensions of FamilyFarmand Community Forestry International Symposium, Pullman, WA, USA, 29 March–1 April 2004; Extension MISC0526. Baumgartner, D.M., Ed.; Washington State University: Pullman, WA, USA, 2004; pp. 51–55. [Google Scholar]
- Cleaves, D.A.; Bennett, M. Holding Size and Behavior of Nonindustrial Private Landowners: A Cautious Second Look. In Proceedings of Southern Forest Economics Workshop, Savannah, GA, USA, 27–29 March 1994; Southern Forest Economics Workers (SOFEW), Department of Forestry, Mississippi State University: Mississippi State, MS, USA,, 1995; pp. 196–209. [Google Scholar]
- Mehmood, S.R.; Zhang, D. Forest parcelization in the United States: A study of contributing factors. J. For. 2001, 99, 30–34. [Google Scholar]
- Bliss, J.C. Sustaining family forests in rural landscapes: Rationale, challenges and an illustration from Oregon, USA. Small Scale For. 2003, 2, 1–8. [Google Scholar]
- Kittredge, D.B.; Mauri, M.J.; McGuire, E.J. Decreasing woodlot size and the future of timber sales in Massachusetts: When is an operation too small? North. J. Appl. For. 1996, 13, 96–101. [Google Scholar]
- Zhang, Y.; Zhang, D.; Schelhas, J. Small-Scale Non-Industrial Private Forest Ownership in the United States: Rationale and Ownership Implications for Forest Management. In Proceedings of 2004 Southern Forest Economics Workshop, St. Augustine, FL, USA, 14–16 March 2004; Department of Forestry: Mississippi State University, Mississippi State, MS, USA; pp. 178–192.
- Moss, S.A.; Hedderick, D.B. An economic evaluation of small-scale timber harvesting operations in Western Maryland, USA. Small Scale For. 2012, 11, 101–117. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Drzyzga, S.A.; Brown, D.G. Land Parcelization and Forest Cover Fragmentation in Three Forested Counties in Northern Lower Michigan. In Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters 1998 National Convention, SAF Publication SAF-99-01, Traverse City, MI, USA, 19–23 September 1998; Society of American Foresters: Bethesda, MD, USA, 1999; pp. 129–135. [Google Scholar]
- Germain, R.H.; Brazill, K.; Stehman, S.V. Forestland parcelization in upstate New York despite economic stagnation and a declining population. North. J. Appl. For. 2006, 23, 280–287. [Google Scholar]
- Donnelly, S.; Evans, T.P. Characterizing spatial patterns of land ownership at the parcel level in South-Central Indiana, 1928–1997. Landsc. Urban. Plan. 2008, 84, 230–240. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Kittredge, D.B.; D’Amato, A.W.; Catanzaro, P.; Fish, J.; Butler, B. Estimating ownership and parcels of nonindustrial private forestland in Massachusetts. North. J. Appl. For. 2008, 25, 93–98. [Google Scholar]
- Pan, Y.; Zhang, Y.; Majumdar, I. Population, economic welfare and holding size distribution of private forestland in Alabama. Silva. Fenn. 2009, 43, 161–171. [Google Scholar]
- Yoho, J.G. Needed: An Economic Definition of the Small Forest Ownership Problem. In Proceedings Association of Southern Agricultural Workers 56th Annual Convention, Memphis, TN, USA, 2–4 February 1959; Association of Southern Agricultural Workers: Clemson, SC, USA, 1959; pp. 135–136. [Google Scholar]
© 2013 by the authors; licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open-access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/).